Beginning with just three classes in one kindergarten and two nurseries, Taiwan's southernmost county of Pingtung was the first and still is the only county in which preschool teachers conduct classes exclusively in the Hakka dialect.
The Hsueh Cheng Kindergarten, the Hsiang Tan Nursery School and the Hsiao Po Shih Nursery School each began to run an all-Hakka class in September 2007, under strong persuasion by Ku Hsiu-fei, director of the Hakka Affairs Department of the Pingtung county government.
Ku, formerly an official with the Cabinet-level Council of Hakka Affairs, said she launched the push to promote the Hakka dialect and rekindle Hakka culture in the county after she found that the Hakka language is dying out in Taiwan.
"Current measures to allow the younger generation to gain a better understanding of Hakka culture do not enable the youngsters to learn and speak the language," Ku said.
She said the measures used at present, including introducing Hakka ballads and children's folk rhymes and storytelling in Hakka, have been in vain, quoting the results of a survey conducted by the Council of Hakka Affairs in 2002 that showed that only 11.7 percent of the children aged under 13 from Hakka families around the country had a good command of Hakka.
Taiwan's Hakka people are mainly concentrated in the counties of Hsinchu, Miaoli and Taoyuan in northern Taiwan and Pingtung in southern Taiwan, according to a 2008 survey conducted by the council.
"The environment for the Hakka dialect has fast dwindled in Pingtung, " Ku said, adding that Hakka parents there would rather spend a fortune sending their children to learn English at cram schools than bothering to speak to their children in Hakka.
Noting that even Hakka grandparents have begun to learn mandarin Chinese from their grandchildren, Ku said Hakka families are now unable to play a role in passing their mother tongue from generation to generation.
She said that if Hakka families cannot be relied upon to preserve the Hakka dialect, she will race against the clock to accelerate her efforts, adding that Hakka children could learn the language if they are taught Hakka or are exposed to a Hakka-language "total immersion language environment" during their preschool years.
Ku said she launched her Hakka learning campaign based on the way New Zealand's indigenous people, the Maori, have saved their language, how Welsh was saved in Wales and how Hawaiian natives have saved their mother tongue -- all based on a total immersion method for preschool children in which the students hear and use only their native language.
After one year of the immersion method in the Pingtung kindergarten and nurseries, Ku invited Professor Chen Jen-fu of National Pingtung University of Education and Chen Ya-ling, an associate professor, to assess the results.
Chen Jen-fu, himself a Hakka man, said a survey his team conducted over the past year found that parents or guardians of Hakka children in Pingtung have not been opposed to the immersion class experiment.
The preschoolers have actually performed better in terms of flexible thinking, creative thinking and linguistic intelligence than their counterparts who are not in Hakka-language classes, said Chen Ya-ling.
Showing posts with label Language. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Language. Show all posts
Protesters support Tongyong
Shouting “We want Taiwanese Tongyong Pinyin,” Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) politicians and independence supporters protested against the Taipei Bus Station’s decision to adopt Hanyu Pinyin for the English translation of destination city or town names on November 20th 2009.
The romanization of destination names on information boards in the bus station has previously used different systems. Taipei City’s Department of Transportation released a notice on Thursday ordering the company to standardize all destination names using the Hanyu Pinyin system within a week.
DPP Taipei City councilors Chuang Ruei-hsiung and Huang Hsiang-chun said the Taipei City Government was fawning on President Ma Ying-jeou and China by using a system of romanization developed in China.
“The Tongyong Pinyin system is widely used for the romanization of ‘Taisi’ Town in Yunlin County . Why should it be spelled ‘Taixi’ instead?” Chuang said in the bus station.
DPP Legislator Liu Chien-kuo later climbed a ladder and covered covers a sign written in the Hanyu pinyin romanization system with a sticker that uses the tongyong pinyin system in Taipei (See Picture)
Liu called for the city government to respect the use of Tongyong Pinyin in other parts of Taiwan.
“We are Taiwanese, and Taiwanese use Tongyong Pinyin. We refuse to adopt the romanization system used by China,” he said.
Cheng Chia-liang, director of the department’s public transportation division, said Taipei City has adopted the Hanyu Pinyin system, and the department was only following regulations.
“Some residents complained about the different spellings used for the destinations in the station, and so we standardized the English transliterations. We adopted Hanyu Pinyin because it is the system used by the Taipei City Government,” he said.
The former DPP government adopted Tongyong Pinyin as the official romanization system in 2002. Ma, however, adopted a policy of using Hanyu Pinyin in Taipei City when he was mayor.
Preventing the Loss of the Indigenous Languages in Taiwan
Indigenous languages form one part of the local languages spoken in Taiwan. Most indigenous people can speak both Mandarin and their own indigenous language. But the majority of these bilingual people are that of the older generation. The younger generation of these indigenous cultures who live in the cities have greatly lost contact with their roots and heritage with many of them unable to converse in their ancestral tongues. This could lead to many of these languages becoming extinct and thus a part of Taiwan's culture and history to be lost.
Therefore, there was a need to prevent the loss of these languages. Realizing this, the government of Taiwan put into place measures to do just that.
The study of indigenous languages by its people has been included in Taiwan's compulsory education system. The Council of Indigenous Peoples of the Executive Yuan also offers lessons in major indigenous languages on its Internet website.
In June 2001, the Taipei City Government's Indigenous People's Commission and the Taipei City Government's Council of Aboriginal Affairs cosponsored two aboriginal radio programs--one on the Taipei Broadcasting Station and the other on the Broadcasting Corp. of China to introduce the languages, cultures, and activities of the indigenous people to Taiwan. In addition, these programs began broadcasting the latest policies and welfare packages available to indigenous peoples residing in Taipei.
Around the same time, the first program to combine the concept of local language education and childcare was also launched by the Taipei City Government which comprised nannies that spoke indigenous tongues. The aim was to expose children to these languages during their preschool years, as this is believed to be the critical stage for language learning.
In July 2001, adopting the example of New Zealand's Köhanga Reo program for the Mäoris, the Scheme of Aboriginal Language Networks was implemented in 12 districts of Taiwan. This scheme was set up to facilitate the establishment of a network of tutors and parents so that the best approaches and curricula for each particular indigenous group could be developed. Furthermore, indigenous students who obtain a Certificate of Aboriginal Language Proficiency in one of the 14 different indigenous languages that the government of Taiwan recognizes can apply for a 25 percent increase in school entrance examination scores.
Therefore, there was a need to prevent the loss of these languages. Realizing this, the government of Taiwan put into place measures to do just that.
The study of indigenous languages by its people has been included in Taiwan's compulsory education system. The Council of Indigenous Peoples of the Executive Yuan also offers lessons in major indigenous languages on its Internet website.
In June 2001, the Taipei City Government's Indigenous People's Commission and the Taipei City Government's Council of Aboriginal Affairs cosponsored two aboriginal radio programs--one on the Taipei Broadcasting Station and the other on the Broadcasting Corp. of China to introduce the languages, cultures, and activities of the indigenous people to Taiwan. In addition, these programs began broadcasting the latest policies and welfare packages available to indigenous peoples residing in Taipei.
Around the same time, the first program to combine the concept of local language education and childcare was also launched by the Taipei City Government which comprised nannies that spoke indigenous tongues. The aim was to expose children to these languages during their preschool years, as this is believed to be the critical stage for language learning.
In July 2001, adopting the example of New Zealand's Köhanga Reo program for the Mäoris, the Scheme of Aboriginal Language Networks was implemented in 12 districts of Taiwan. This scheme was set up to facilitate the establishment of a network of tutors and parents so that the best approaches and curricula for each particular indigenous group could be developed. Furthermore, indigenous students who obtain a Certificate of Aboriginal Language Proficiency in one of the 14 different indigenous languages that the government of Taiwan recognizes can apply for a 25 percent increase in school entrance examination scores.
Only One National Language in Taiwan?
The Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang or KMT) administration has already officially abandoned Taiwan's home-developed Tongyong system in favour of People Republic of China's Hanyu Pinyin romanization system claiming that Hanyun Pinyin is of "international standard,". Many felt that this decision was based less on Hanyun Pinyin's benefits than on an ideological drive to create a unitary national language such as that in PRC. These suspicions no longer seem far fetched following comments from President Ma Ying-jeou of the KMT government made on 9th June 2009 in talks with the Chinese Benevolent Associations. He was reported to have repeatedly mentioned Mandarin as “the” national language in Taiwan. He also completely lacked to mention the fact that Taiwan has at least three Sinitic languages( Mandarin, Hoklo and Hakka), and more than a dozen Austronesian languages (The languages of the various indigenous cultures). All of these languages are equally entitled to be considered as national languages of Taiwan and Mandarin should not take sole precedence.
This is a giant step backward by Ma and the KMT government from the declaration by the former Democratic Progressive Party government that all languages spoken or used by our citizens should equally be considered and appreciated as Taiwan national languages with two or three of these languages selected for official use. Therefore, Ma's attempt to phase out the various languages of Taiwan in favour of Mandarin constitutes a denigration of Taiwan's democratic system.
The attachment of Ma and KMT ideologues to Mandarin as an unitary national language reflects their continued colonialist imposition of a racial and patriarchal conception of Chinese culture on Taiwan's multi-ethnic, multicultural and multilingual democratic society, as reflected by the declaration of his inaugural address last May 20 in which he said "all the people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait belong to the Chinese race nation".
Instead of compromising Taiwan's cultural sovereignty and democratic pluralism, the KMT government should demand that the People's Republic of China should fulfil its own international commitments and converge with the world community by implementing full freedom of expression, freedom of the press and freedom of thought.
This is a giant step backward by Ma and the KMT government from the declaration by the former Democratic Progressive Party government that all languages spoken or used by our citizens should equally be considered and appreciated as Taiwan national languages with two or three of these languages selected for official use. Therefore, Ma's attempt to phase out the various languages of Taiwan in favour of Mandarin constitutes a denigration of Taiwan's democratic system.
The attachment of Ma and KMT ideologues to Mandarin as an unitary national language reflects their continued colonialist imposition of a racial and patriarchal conception of Chinese culture on Taiwan's multi-ethnic, multicultural and multilingual democratic society, as reflected by the declaration of his inaugural address last May 20 in which he said "all the people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait belong to the Chinese race nation".
Instead of compromising Taiwan's cultural sovereignty and democratic pluralism, the KMT government should demand that the People's Republic of China should fulfil its own international commitments and converge with the world community by implementing full freedom of expression, freedom of the press and freedom of thought.
Taiwan's diverse languages
Where the issue of language is con-cerned, Taiwan in the 1990s has a diversity of views. For instance, on the question of what qualifies as Taiwanese language, the majority language, commonly referred to as "Taiwanese" (taiyu) is not necessarily accepted by the other ethnic groups as the sole representative. In an attempt to balance out contention, somewhat ponderous titles such as "Holo Taiwanese" and "Hakka Taiwanese" appear in some native language course texts. It seems that everyone has his or her own definition of what exactly constitutes "Taiwanese language."
Even among those making concerted efforts to promote Taiwanese language, agreement on the formal name for Taiwanese is conspicuously absent. Some feel that the majority language spoken in Taiwan today is already quite different from the language spoken in southern Fujian Province on the Chinese mainland. Consequently, they hold that "Taiwanese" should no longer be called "southern Fujianese."
Additionally, the characters designating the language, pronounced holo in the local Fujianese tongue, have evolved into an elegant and widely used homonym deemed unacceptable by scholars for its implication that the Taiwanese language originates from China's Yellow River Basin area, the historical veracity of which they dispute. As a result, they prefer to represent the pronunciation with alternate characters, yet do not necessarily agree on exactly which characters to use. Evidently, the preferred name for this language alone could be debated endlessly.
Even among those making concerted efforts to promote Taiwanese language, agreement on the formal name for Taiwanese is conspicuously absent. Some feel that the majority language spoken in Taiwan today is already quite different from the language spoken in southern Fujian Province on the Chinese mainland. Consequently, they hold that "Taiwanese" should no longer be called "southern Fujianese."
Additionally, the characters designating the language, pronounced holo in the local Fujianese tongue, have evolved into an elegant and widely used homonym deemed unacceptable by scholars for its implication that the Taiwanese language originates from China's Yellow River Basin area, the historical veracity of which they dispute. As a result, they prefer to represent the pronunciation with alternate characters, yet do not necessarily agree on exactly which characters to use. Evidently, the preferred name for this language alone could be debated endlessly.
Taiwan's Languages
Taiwan's Languages
The languages and dialects spoken in Taiwan have their origins in the Austronesian and Han lingual systems. The Austronesian languages are spoken by Taiwan's indigenous peoples, while most common Han dialects - Minnanese and Hakka - are primarily used by those whose ancestors immigrated from China's Fujian and Guangdong Provinces, respectively, four centuries ago. In 1949, after the ROC government relocated to Taiwan, Mandarin became the common language used for communication. In 1987, as emphasis on native languages began to grow, a movement was initiated to teach students their mother tongue so as to preserve the languages and dialects of ethnic groups. The Ministry of Education (MOE) is currently drafting a language equality law aimed a preserving the 14 major languages and dialects used in Taiwan.
Phonetic Symbols and Romanization
To represent the sounds of Mandarin, people in Taiwan use the Mandarin Phonetic Symbols (MPS) system, a collection of 37 phonetic symbols with marks that signify Mandarin's four tones. With regard to romanization, several different systems are concurrently being used in Taiwan, including Wade-Giles, Tongyong Pinyin, Hanyu Pnyin, and Gwoyeu Romatyzh. Tongyong Pinyon was adopted as the official romanization system for Mandarin in 2002.
Language Education
Since the MPS system was promulgated in the MOE in November 1918, all primary school students have been required to learn the phonetic alphabet in the first grade. Although Mandarin is still the primary language used in schools, government, and most business offices, various county and city governments have initiated elective courses on local languages in elementary and junior high schools according to ethnic demographics since 1990. In September 2001, based on revised guidelines and amended curriculum standards passed by the MOE, primary school students began to be required to take at least one course on a local language, such as Southern Fujianese (also called Minnanese - a literal translation of the dialect - spoken by more than 70 percent of the people of Taiwan), Hakka (spoken by around 15 percent of the people of Taiwan), or an indigenous tongue.
Local Languages
For many years, local languages such as Taiwanese, Hakka, and indigenous languages were repressed in Taiwan to ensure that everyone mastered Mandarin. In recent years, however, Taiwanese has entered mainstream popular culture.
Hakka, on the other hand, is being spoken less and less by the younger generations, who favor either Mandarin or Taiwanese. Thus the Council for Hakka Affairs was formally established on June 14, 2001, with its top priority being the preservation and revitalization of Hakka language and culture.
Most indigenous people are bilingual and successful members of mainstream society. However, although more indigenous people today are willing to identify with their heritage, the younger generations who grew up in cities often can no longer converse in their ancestral tongue. To help rectify this matter, in June 2001, the Taipei City Government's Indigenous Peoples Commission cosponsored two radio programs to introduce the languages, cultures, and activities of the indigenous peoples to Taiwan. In addition, these programs began broadcasting the latest policies and welfare packages available to indigenous peoples residing in Taipei. In July 2001, the CAA adopted New Zealand's Köhanga Reo program for the Mäoris and implemented the Scheme of Aboriginal Language Networks in its 12 districts to provide total immersion education. Nonetheless, only those indigenous students recognized by the Aborigine Identification Law who obtain a Certificate of Aboriginal Language Proficiency can apply for a 25 percent increase in school entrance examination scores beginning in 2005.
The Written Language
A shared system of writing has been the primary unifying force among Chinese since the Chin dynasty (221-206 B.C.) In China, however, the Beijing leadership has promoted the use of a simplified form of Chinese characters. Only in Taiwan are traditional Chinese characters still being used, giving the Taiwanese people continuity with their past as well as the ability to read Chinese classics and other ancient writings. Although there are approximately 50,000 Chinese characters listed in the Kangsi Dictionary (18th century), a person only needs to learn around 4,000 to read an average newspaper article. Every Chinese character has a distinct meaning; however, because most words are combinations of two or more characters, understanding such a large number of characters becomes manageable.
Taiwan's official language is the same as mainland China's, which is Mandarin Chinese. Some of those native to Taiwan speak Taiwanese. Chinese and Taiwanese are similar in that they both use Chinese characters, but in Taiwan the old characters are still in use, whereas a simplified version is used on the mainland.
The languages and dialects spoken in Taiwan have their origins in the Austronesian and Han lingual systems. The Austronesian languages are spoken by Taiwan's indigenous peoples, while most common Han dialects - Minnanese and Hakka - are primarily used by those whose ancestors immigrated from China's Fujian and Guangdong Provinces, respectively, four centuries ago. In 1949, after the ROC government relocated to Taiwan, Mandarin became the common language used for communication. In 1987, as emphasis on native languages began to grow, a movement was initiated to teach students their mother tongue so as to preserve the languages and dialects of ethnic groups. The Ministry of Education (MOE) is currently drafting a language equality law aimed a preserving the 14 major languages and dialects used in Taiwan.
Phonetic Symbols and Romanization
To represent the sounds of Mandarin, people in Taiwan use the Mandarin Phonetic Symbols (MPS) system, a collection of 37 phonetic symbols with marks that signify Mandarin's four tones. With regard to romanization, several different systems are concurrently being used in Taiwan, including Wade-Giles, Tongyong Pinyin, Hanyu Pnyin, and Gwoyeu Romatyzh. Tongyong Pinyon was adopted as the official romanization system for Mandarin in 2002.
Language Education
Since the MPS system was promulgated in the MOE in November 1918, all primary school students have been required to learn the phonetic alphabet in the first grade. Although Mandarin is still the primary language used in schools, government, and most business offices, various county and city governments have initiated elective courses on local languages in elementary and junior high schools according to ethnic demographics since 1990. In September 2001, based on revised guidelines and amended curriculum standards passed by the MOE, primary school students began to be required to take at least one course on a local language, such as Southern Fujianese (also called Minnanese - a literal translation of the dialect - spoken by more than 70 percent of the people of Taiwan), Hakka (spoken by around 15 percent of the people of Taiwan), or an indigenous tongue.
Local Languages
For many years, local languages such as Taiwanese, Hakka, and indigenous languages were repressed in Taiwan to ensure that everyone mastered Mandarin. In recent years, however, Taiwanese has entered mainstream popular culture.
Hakka, on the other hand, is being spoken less and less by the younger generations, who favor either Mandarin or Taiwanese. Thus the Council for Hakka Affairs was formally established on June 14, 2001, with its top priority being the preservation and revitalization of Hakka language and culture.
Most indigenous people are bilingual and successful members of mainstream society. However, although more indigenous people today are willing to identify with their heritage, the younger generations who grew up in cities often can no longer converse in their ancestral tongue. To help rectify this matter, in June 2001, the Taipei City Government's Indigenous Peoples Commission cosponsored two radio programs to introduce the languages, cultures, and activities of the indigenous peoples to Taiwan. In addition, these programs began broadcasting the latest policies and welfare packages available to indigenous peoples residing in Taipei. In July 2001, the CAA adopted New Zealand's Köhanga Reo program for the Mäoris and implemented the Scheme of Aboriginal Language Networks in its 12 districts to provide total immersion education. Nonetheless, only those indigenous students recognized by the Aborigine Identification Law who obtain a Certificate of Aboriginal Language Proficiency can apply for a 25 percent increase in school entrance examination scores beginning in 2005.
The Written Language
A shared system of writing has been the primary unifying force among Chinese since the Chin dynasty (221-206 B.C.) In China, however, the Beijing leadership has promoted the use of a simplified form of Chinese characters. Only in Taiwan are traditional Chinese characters still being used, giving the Taiwanese people continuity with their past as well as the ability to read Chinese classics and other ancient writings. Although there are approximately 50,000 Chinese characters listed in the Kangsi Dictionary (18th century), a person only needs to learn around 4,000 to read an average newspaper article. Every Chinese character has a distinct meaning; however, because most words are combinations of two or more characters, understanding such a large number of characters becomes manageable.
Taiwan's official language is the same as mainland China's, which is Mandarin Chinese. Some of those native to Taiwan speak Taiwanese. Chinese and Taiwanese are similar in that they both use Chinese characters, but in Taiwan the old characters are still in use, whereas a simplified version is used on the mainland.
The fate of Taiwanese
The Fate of the Language?
Brought to my attention in my Facebook news-feed, a friend of mine posted a link to this article in the New York Times about how the Cantonese language is facing the possibility of becoming a "dying" language over the next few years in the United States- specifically in New York's Chinatown.
I emphasize language here because it is a language. As far as I can tell from my one-year education in Mandarin, the Cantonese language and Mandarin language are mutually unintelligible. Just as, the Taiwanese language and Mandarin language are mutually unintelligible. And while both languages, Cantonese and Taiwanese, may be facing an uphill battle in surviving as a language- the outlook for Cantonese remains much brighter.
This is due in most part to Cantonese having a fairly well supported written form of itself. On the other hand, Taiwanese is being hit on all fronts by many different systems, from using romanized systems to character systems, where each can be further broken down. This website, Talingua, has a good overview of the various ways you can approach Taiwanese writing/reading. The problem here is (from what I remember/hear) that the KMT government at one point gave money to a bunch of different groups/scholars to each come up with their own system of writing Taiwanese. Sounds good/reasonable right? Well, the result was that each came up with their own, and there ended up being a sort of competition for whose is better. In the end, we have a bunch of different systems that no one can agree upon. So the Taiwanese language continues to lose place in society as the years pass on with no agreed upon writing system.
While a writing system for a language is not the only thing that is needed to help keep it alive, it is a large part of it. But, I believe there needs to be a change that takes place in conjunction with a unified writing system for Taiwanese to maintain it's prominence as a language of Taiwan. That is, the political and social issues that plague the Taiwanese language. Many young Taiwanese these days are plagued with the notion that Taiwanese is/should be used for only in the marketplace and at home. While currently this notion is certainly not unfounded (as Taiwanese is currently mainly used in marketplaces and inside the home), it is a slippery slope of self-fulfilling prophecy that should be reconsidered. It is one thing to put Mandarin on a pedestal and say it's the main language to be used in the business world/work place, but another thing to put Taiwanese down and limit it to the marketplace and home.
The part that I find must unbearable about this is, young Taiwanese telling other Taiwanese, "Why are you speaking Taiwanese? It's so weird." As one who excels in the Taiwanese language, and has the Mandarin capability of probably a 2nd or 3rd grader, I was not one to be ashamed to use my Taiwanese in all aspects of my life and time in Taiwan- from classmates, to professors, other exchange students, at clubs/bars, customer service people, retail workers, you name it, I probably talked to them in Taiwanese. Were they taken aback at first? Yes. Did they get used to it? Yes. Was it easier to make friends because of my Taiwanese? In my point of view, yes. I think we can all do the Taiwanese language a favour, by at the very least, simply not handing out negative remarks over using Taiwanese. I even met a few people who speak Taiwanese with their friends all the time, and it was a refreshing change to see that there are still young people in Taiwan who have respect for their own culture.
Keep in mind, this is no hack on the Taiwanese who don't speak the language, Taiwanese- but rather a reminder to those that do. Furthermore, I want to emphasize here that speaking Taiwanese does not make one more "Taiwanese" than those who don't. I have met plenty of people who don't speak Taiwanese, but are more "Taiwanese" than the current president of Taiwan will ever be.
Brought to my attention in my Facebook news-feed, a friend of mine posted a link to this article in the New York Times about how the Cantonese language is facing the possibility of becoming a "dying" language over the next few years in the United States- specifically in New York's Chinatown.
I emphasize language here because it is a language. As far as I can tell from my one-year education in Mandarin, the Cantonese language and Mandarin language are mutually unintelligible. Just as, the Taiwanese language and Mandarin language are mutually unintelligible. And while both languages, Cantonese and Taiwanese, may be facing an uphill battle in surviving as a language- the outlook for Cantonese remains much brighter.
This is due in most part to Cantonese having a fairly well supported written form of itself. On the other hand, Taiwanese is being hit on all fronts by many different systems, from using romanized systems to character systems, where each can be further broken down. This website, Talingua, has a good overview of the various ways you can approach Taiwanese writing/reading. The problem here is (from what I remember/hear) that the KMT government at one point gave money to a bunch of different groups/scholars to each come up with their own system of writing Taiwanese. Sounds good/reasonable right? Well, the result was that each came up with their own, and there ended up being a sort of competition for whose is better. In the end, we have a bunch of different systems that no one can agree upon. So the Taiwanese language continues to lose place in society as the years pass on with no agreed upon writing system.
While a writing system for a language is not the only thing that is needed to help keep it alive, it is a large part of it. But, I believe there needs to be a change that takes place in conjunction with a unified writing system for Taiwanese to maintain it's prominence as a language of Taiwan. That is, the political and social issues that plague the Taiwanese language. Many young Taiwanese these days are plagued with the notion that Taiwanese is/should be used for only in the marketplace and at home. While currently this notion is certainly not unfounded (as Taiwanese is currently mainly used in marketplaces and inside the home), it is a slippery slope of self-fulfilling prophecy that should be reconsidered. It is one thing to put Mandarin on a pedestal and say it's the main language to be used in the business world/work place, but another thing to put Taiwanese down and limit it to the marketplace and home.
The part that I find must unbearable about this is, young Taiwanese telling other Taiwanese, "Why are you speaking Taiwanese? It's so weird." As one who excels in the Taiwanese language, and has the Mandarin capability of probably a 2nd or 3rd grader, I was not one to be ashamed to use my Taiwanese in all aspects of my life and time in Taiwan- from classmates, to professors, other exchange students, at clubs/bars, customer service people, retail workers, you name it, I probably talked to them in Taiwanese. Were they taken aback at first? Yes. Did they get used to it? Yes. Was it easier to make friends because of my Taiwanese? In my point of view, yes. I think we can all do the Taiwanese language a favour, by at the very least, simply not handing out negative remarks over using Taiwanese. I even met a few people who speak Taiwanese with their friends all the time, and it was a refreshing change to see that there are still young people in Taiwan who have respect for their own culture.
Keep in mind, this is no hack on the Taiwanese who don't speak the language, Taiwanese- but rather a reminder to those that do. Furthermore, I want to emphasize here that speaking Taiwanese does not make one more "Taiwanese" than those who don't. I have met plenty of people who don't speak Taiwanese, but are more "Taiwanese" than the current president of Taiwan will ever be.
The politics of language names in Taiwan
The politics of language names in Taiwan by J. DeChicchis
1. Naming behavior and ethnography
There are certain issues which must be confronted by the geographer or ethnographer who seeks to describe the linguistic situation of Taiwan. In particular, many people are not fully aware of the rich variety of languages spoken, not to mention the sensitive social and political issues of language use, in Taiwan; nor is the intimate relationship between language and social status in Taiwan generally known. Whether trying to translate Mandarin usage into English or simply writing an original ethnography in English, the linguistic ethnographer must be able to articulate the important cultural distinctions in descriptive language which is precise and fair. In describing Taiwan, too often journalists and even scholars make and accept facile translations of Mandarin phrases, never considering that they may be thereby abetting cultural bias and factual distortion. The proper use of Mandarin is not within the scope of this paper; rather, the remarks here are intended for readers and writers of English, that they may better understand the operative geographic, cultural, and linguistic distinctions in Taiwan. Such knowledge enables educators both to recognize and to promulgate English usage which accurately and impartially reflects these distinctions.
It is not uncommon for someone curious about the languages of some part of the world to turn to a general reference. Although the better atlases, encyclopedias, and country guides can serve to alert the reader to areas of linguistic diversity, they often fail to provide a sociolinguistically adequate description of language status and speaker self-concepts.
Because naming behavior is often associated with political struggle over questions of ownership or entitlement, this is one area of investigation which can illuminate the sociopolitical tensions which may be operative in an area of diverse languages. Even though the precise referential content may be difficult to ascertain, the names of peoples, their languages, and their homelands can and do figure prominently in intercultural disputes. For example, after months of discussion, British and Irish civil servants agreed (among other things) on usage of the phrase "the people in the island of Ireland" as a way of referring to the people without mentioning the name of an unrecognized political entity. Since the long conflict between various factions in Northern Ireland is well known, it is not surprising that there should be debate over the language of documents being written to pave the road to a lasting peace. Even so, Ireland is only one of many areas where there is argument over the use of names, designators, and descriptive phrases. In most of these areas, the issues underlying such debates are as historically complex and emotionally sensitive as in Ireland.
As outsiders, we cannot begin to appreciate, nor even perceive, differences in labeling habits without fully understanding the underlying social and political turmoil. In order to gain such an understanding, we commonly rely on popular journals, which provide models for popular writing and thought on contemporary issues. When a journal makes an effort to distinguish between the phrase "Serbian troops" and the phrase "Serb troops", readers take notice; if they had previously been inclined to use these terms interchangeably, such readers soon look for characteristic differences. The level of detail with which popular journal writing treats a given geographic area will depend on the relative newsworthiness of that area. For a long time, the terms "Yugoslavia" and "Yugoslavian" enjoyed great currency in the description of an area of southeastern Europe. When the Olympics were held in Sarajevo, many people learned that Sarajevo was in Yugoslavia; but it took the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the subsequent civil war to teach many people that Sarajevo is the capital of Bosnia-Herzegovina. Many geographic differences are of only local importance, but sometimes these local distinctions receive wider attention. At such times, it is important that descriptions prepared for a wider audience accurately reflect the local situation.
Taiwan is one area which has been receiving greater international attention of late; however, despite the existence of good English-language reports, journals aimed at a general readership have not yet begun to accurately reflect the complex linguistic tensions of the area. The languages which were spoken by the earliest inhabitants of the area were exclusively Austronesian, and, although several of these have become extinct, Taiwan's surviving autochthonous languages confirm the historic importance of Formosa in the great Austronesian expansion. In addition, two Sinitic languages were established centuries ago by immigrants from the Chinese mainland. During the past century, Japanese, Mandarin, and English gained currency as languages of government, education, or commerce. As the government has become less repressive, issues of language choice have become subjects of great debate. Unfortunately, the social status of Taiwan's languages is never described, and only rarely is this linguistic diversity even alluded to in the popular press. When diversity is mentioned, it is couched in terms of a simple Mandarin-versus-Taiwanese dichotomy, which is overly simplistic, perpetuating misunderstandings about the linguistic situation of Taiwan. In this case, the neglect of proper description is not benign, and it must be corrected by a review of the relevant historical, geographic, and linguistic facts.
As a brief illustration of the sort of facts which require an accounting, this report will focus on the use of two terms: "Taiwanese" and "indigenous language of Taiwan". It is often said that there is a particular language called Taiwanese, and it is sometimes said that Taiwanese is the indigenous language of Taiwan. I will suggest here that it is confusing to refer to any single language as Taiwanese; rather there are several Taiwanese languages. Moreover, I will argue that one must be especially careful about interpreting "indigenous" in the context of Taiwan.
2. Formosan language loss
As part of Japan from 1895 to 1945, Taiwan was an area of great linguistic diversity. Two Sinitic languages had great currency. Varieties of Fukienese, collectively known as Holo, were spoken by the Hoklo Chinese, the descendants of immigrants from Fukien. Hakka was also spoken by many of the Hakka Chinese, who were also descendent from mainland China immigrants. In addition, several autochthonous Formosan languages were spoken, most notably: Amis, Tayal, Saisiyat, Tsou, Bunun, Puyuma, Paiwan, Rukai, and Yami. For the Formosans, Japanese administration proved to be an era of comparative enlightenment. The impact of the Dutch and other European settlements had been short-lived, and the long period of Chinese rule had been exploitative and destructive. By setting Japanese up as the official language, the government placed the Chinese and the Formosans on more equal footing. Moreover, the Japanese opened roads, schools, and churches in the highlands, providing hitherto isolated Formosans access to the fruits of a modern economy. Except in those few areas which resisted Japanese encroachment, rural development fostered contact between Formosan groups and improved their material standard of living. Older Formosans, who first experienced literacy, electricity, and modern medicine as gifts from a cadre of paternalistic Japanese teachers, engineers, and doctors, are today nostalgic for the days of Japanese rule; they are quite happy to speak Japanese whenever they encounter strangers, and they prefer to use Japanese hymnals in church. As Japanese education programs became increasingly comprehensive, although Holo use remained widespread among the Chinese, Japanese became the lingua franca of communication between highland Formosans and lowland Chinese.
The flight of the ROC (Republic of China) to Taipei radically changed the demographics of Taiwan. In the four years following the "restoration" of Chinese rule, over four million Chinese immigrants came to Formosa, nearly all of them with the ROC government in 1949. The result was an increase in the Taiwan population of fifty per cent. The language of these new immigrants was overwhelmingly Mandarin, commonly called Kuo-yü in Taiwan. Though it had been the official language of China since 1928, Mandarin was not widely used in Taiwan. Except for the Mandarin-speaking provincial officials who replaced the Japanese in 1945, the Chinese of Taiwan spoke either Holo or Hakka.
As Formosa became the ROC's fortress, much of the rugged highlands was designated for military use only, and the autochthonous Formosans living in those areas were forced from their homes. Elsewhere, Formosans were permitted to remain in their highland villages, but access to those villages became restricted, hindering travel by Formosans between neighboring villages. Although many Formosans have continued to live in these restricted villages, over the years there has been a sizable exodus of Formosans to the lower unrestricted zones. Formosans, who had long been able to maintain their language and customs in the highlands, came under pressure to assimilate to the Chinese culture of the lowlands. This rapid and extensive assimilation resulted in indigenous cultural loss. Although very recently the Formosan churches have been leading efforts to revive and maintain important Formosan traditions, the cultural loss has often been so great that recovery is impossible. The loss of land and the physical dislocation of Formosan settlements caused by military operations has been the largest single factor in the loss of Formosan languages and customs.
The ROC transformed Taiwan from a fishing and agrarian province into a diversified economic powerhouse. The resulting urbanization of the population also threatened the Formosans, who found themselves at a distinct disadvantage among the Chinese who dominated the cities. Rapidly, the urban populations became stratified along linguistic lines. At the top were the Chinese speakers of Mandarin, known as extra-provincials because of their recent immigration from the mainland; they controlled both the ROC government and the provincial government, as well as the various government-sponsored social and commercial organizations. Next, the Chinese speakers of Holo derived their status by virtue of being a majority of the populace. In third place were the Chinese speakers of Hakka, a small minority which benefitted from their Sinitic cultural traits. At the bottom were, and still are, the unassimilated Formosans.
Forced from their highland sanctuaries by both military and economic policies, Formosans began to see the acquisition of Chinese language skills as a prerequisite for a better life. After the ROC's relocation, Taiwan's educational system was improved in terms of both quality and access. As a result, ninety four percent of Taiwan's present population can speak Mandarin, either as a first or second language, making Mandarin the most widely known of any language spoken in Taiwan. Formosan languages, such as Paiwan and Amis, which once had some currency as regional linguae francae, now rarely serve that function. Japanese is now used only by older Formosans. Now, when a native Paiwan speaker encounters a native Bunun speaker, they are almost certain to speak Mandarin with each other. Moreover, since Holo and Hakka speakers have also learned Mandarin, knowledge of Mandarin suffices for communication with all of the Sinitic groups in Taiwan. Knowledge of Mandarin has afforded Formosans the same educational opportunities as enjoyed by the Chinese in Taiwan, and it is now spawning an educated elite of young Formosan scholars, with foreign language skills in English and Japanese as well. Unfortunately, equal educational opportunity has not been matched by equal employment opportunity, and the Formosans continue to be the poorest segment of Taiwan's population.
3. Laying claim to "Taiwanese"
The institution of Mandarin as the language of Taiwanese government in 1945, and its widespread promotion as the language of learning since then, has met with opposition from one large segment of the population. Initially, speakers of Holo were pleased when Mandarin replaced Japanese as the language of government. As elsewhere in other provinces, Mandarin was primarily a written norm, and the Holo speakers did not adhere closely to the pronunciation standards set by the central government; however, when the central government moved its seat to Taipei, the pronunciation of Chinese in Taiwan came under closer scrutiny. Mandarin norms of pronunciation were thoroughly taught and strictly enforced. In the schools, in the courts, in government bureaus, and over the airwaves, proper Mandarin was the language of choice. Many speakers of Holo, who comprised a majority of Taiwan's population, were unhappy with this strict Mandarin policy.
Over the years, as their socioeconomic position has improved, Holo speakers have increasingly pressed for more widespread usage of Holo. In order to justify their position, these Holo speakers have taken to calling themselves and their language "Taiwanese", which is misleading for several reasons. First, Holo has no official status; it is neither the language of provincial government nor the language of the ROC government. Second, Holo is not the most widely spoken language in Taiwan. Third, Holo is not an autochthonous language of Taiwan. Mandarin, the official government language, is also Taiwan's most widely spoken language, known by ninety-four percent of the population. As for Taiwan's extant autochthonous languages, they are all Austronesian. The only justification for calling Holo "Taiwanese" is the fact that it is the mother tongue for seventy percent of the population; which explains the emotions, but which hardly justifies the epithet. In multilingual Taiwan, there are several Taiwanese languages, and there seems no particularly good reason for singling out one of them in this fashion.
It is sometimes forgotten that Holo is the same language as the Fukienese variety spoken in Amoy, which is attested by the unproblematic use of the Amoy Bible by Holo speakers in Taiwan. To be sure, as is the case with many languages which are as widely spoken as Fukienese, there is some regional dialectal variation, and there is Holo dialectal variation even within Taiwan (Harrell 1982). Thus, it would not be inappropriate, when distinguishing such dialects of Fukienese, to talk about "the Taiwanese Fukienese dialect", or even about "the Kaohsiung dialect of Fukienese". However, given the multilingual nature of Taiwan, to say simply "Taiwanese" is confoundingly imprecise.
Hoklo activists have even begun to call their language "the indigenous language of Taiwan". Of course, words such as "native", "indigenous", and "autochthonous" are open to interpretation, but there are generally accepted meanings for these terms. Typically, we speak of a native language community when there is a significant community which speaks that language as a first language. It is in this sense that we say that French is natively spoken in Paris; or that English is a native language of Philadelphia. Thus, it is certainly accurate to say that Holo is natively spoken in Taiwan. On the other hand, because it is not among the languages spoken by the earliest known inhabitants, Holo is clearly not an autochthonous language of Taiwan. The determination of whether Holo is an indigenous language of Taiwan is more difficult. Certainly, in the common sense of indigenous which is synonymous with autochthonous, Holo is not one of Taiwan's indigenous languages. On the other hand, there is a sense in which a language may be indigenous, or native, to an area; and in this sense it is not unreasonable to say that Holo is indigenous to Taiwan, given its long history of usage there. The Mandarin word which "indigenous" is intended to translate has the sense of "preceding", and it is certainly true that Holo was widely spoken in Taiwan long before Mandarin; however, the Formosan languages were spoken in the area for centuries before the arrival of Holo speakers.
Recently, the ROC has tacitly admitted to Formosan demands that their status as indigenous peoples be recognized. The Sinitic languages Holo and Hakka are now officially known as indigenous in the sense of preceding or prior, and the autochthonous Austronesian languages of Taiwan are known as indigenous in the sense of original or first. However, there has been no official effort to rectify the misrepresentation involved in the use of "Taiwanese" to refer exclusively to Holo; indeed government agencies casually promote this usage, just as they continue to refrain from correcting English-language reports that President Lee Teng-hui speaks "Taiwanese", an "indigenous" language of Taiwan. Presumably this is because the ROC has an interest in characterizing Taiwan as a land of two, exclusively Sinitic, languages. Worldwide, groups which have suffered from linguistic discrimination increasingly seek recognition of their language rights at international fora such as the United Nations, and the choice of a label such as "indigenous" can carry great weight in the context of international law. Because speakers of languages recognized as indigenous are often entitled to special legal protections, a claim to indigenous status may be motivated by the desire for such entitlements. In preparing their reports, foreign correspondents and editors must become familiar with the actual language situation in order to avoid abetting any misrepresentation.
It is worth noting that the dominance of Holo has been aided by the assimilation of the Hakka minority. Historically, the Austronesian minority has benefitted from the division of the Sinitic majority, because the speakers of Formosan languages could sometimes benefit from the legal protections afforded the Hakka minority. Nevertheless, during the period of Chinese colonization, which was led by Holo speakers, the Hakka speakers also suffered from linguistic discrimination. Gradually, many Hakka were co-opted to the extent that, not only did they begin speaking Holo, but they also recreated their ethnic history. According to Hsu, "there are 'Hakka' in the Chang-hua Plain who think that they were always as 'Hokkien' as they now appear to be". The number of Hakka who have thus redefined their ethnic identity as Hoklo is great; the number of Hakka who have become native speakers of Holo, regardless of their perceived ethnic identity, is even greater. Since 1949, the proportion of the Sinitic population which is native Hakka speaking has continued to decrease further. Hakka speakers who have no particular wish to pass as Hoklo will speak Mandarin. Nowadays, there are Hakka restaurants in Taipei, for example, run by proud Hakka ethnics who speak Mandarin with only an occasional word of Hakka. Increasing tolerance for minorities and improving legal protections may now be changing the pattern, and perhaps slowing the rate, of Hakka language loss and cultural assimilation; nonetheless, many Hakka-speaking communities have become Holo-speaking communities over the years, thus increasing the proportion of Holo speakers, and thereby contributing to solidarity among the Sinitic Taiwanese.
4. A false Sinitic dualism
As Holo speakers have grown more powerful, and as the number of mainland-born Taiwanese has decreased, a bipolar struggle has emerged between Mandarin speakers and Holo speakers which is effectively marginalizing the Formosans and their languages. Holo-speaking activists claim to speak for the Taiwanese, in contradistinction to the "extra-provincials" (i.e., those Chinese born outside of the province who immigrated with Chiang Kai-shek). On the other hand, the ROC and its supporters speak Mandarin. Politically, the major opposition party (the DPP) has increasingly promoted the use of Holo, even though this practice is effectively excluding the many party members who do not speak Holo. Among those excluded are the autochthonous Formosans, relatively few of whom speak Holo, but who have been strong supporters of the opposition party. There have been pleas by Holo-speaking activists that "their indigenous language rights be respected", and that the teaching of "Taiwanese" in school and the broadcasting of "Taiwanese language programming" be permitted. Interviews of well educated Sinitic Taiwanese indicate that much of the Taipei population may be unaware that there are in Taiwan sizable populations which still speak, for example, Amis, Tayal, Tsou, and Paiwan. English-speaking Sinitic Taiwanese are typically nonplussed when I ask to which Austronesian language they are referring when they say "Taiwanese"; for them "Taiwanese" means Holo. The rhetoric of Sinitic dualism is so pervasive that the average Sinitic Taiwanese thinks in terms of "China versus Taiwan" and "Mandarin versus Taiwanese". Foreign journalists, and the readers whom they influence, are too readily adopting this Sinitic characterization which ignores the Formosans and the truly indigenous languages of Taiwan.
The bipolar Sinitic view is simply incorrect, for it suggests that language use is aligned with ethnic and cultural groups. Indeed, this is true of the Formosan languages and of Hakka to some extent, for knowledge of one of these languages is a fairly reliable indicator of membership in the group (e.g., a speaker of Tsou is almost certainly an ethnic Tsou by birth or possibly by marriage or adoption). The converse, that a member of one of these groups can normally speak the emblematic language, is not true, due to language loss and assimilation to Mandarin and to Holo. Taiwanese speak Mandarin for various reasons. Many native Mandarin speakers are Taiwan born; and, although some of them do indeed identify with the mainland, many of them do not. Younger Formosans commonly speak Mandarin. In fact, the use of Mandarin has been so widespread for so long that one can no longer assume that even a monolingual Mandarin speaker is an extra-provincial. Nowadays, the use of Mandarin signifies little more than an educated, probably urban, environment. Holo monolingualism is a better indicator of Hoklo ethnicity, but again with a large margin for error due to the historical cultural assimilation of the Hakka.
5. Additional pitfalls
Ethnographers commonly advocate the policy of referring to a community and their language by the names which that community itself uses. In the case of particular Formosan language names, although alternate spellings are encountered which reflect Chinese language interference (e.g., Ami-su) or regional variation in pronunciation, the policy of autonym usage is routinely observed in English language writing. However, in the case of the Sinitic languages, because of the long tradition of using "Chinese" as a general rubric for any Sinitic language whatsoever, the application of the autonym policy is difficult.
An English-speaking Taiwanese may label his or her own Sinitic speech as "Chinese", but, in light of the fact that there are three widely spoken Sinitic languages in Taiwan, the ambiguity of "Chinese" outweighs its utility as a general descriptor. In a foreign journal which talks about a "Chinese-speaking" resident, the knowledgeable reader is left to guess which particular Chinese language the resident speaks; in the worse case of a reader who is unaware that there are three common Chinese languages in Taiwan, this usage reinforces a mistaken belief that all Sinitic Taiwanese speak the same language. Thus, as with specialist ethnographies, popular writing can better serve its readers by maintaining distinct English language names for the three Sinitic languages of Taiwan. In the case of Hakka, the English name for this language is well established, and it is also accepted by English-speaking members of the Hakka community. The pitfalls to be avoided are associated with reference to the two dominant languages: Holo and Mandarin.
In the case of Mandarin speakers, the English name for their language is well established and generally accepted by those who also speak English. The written language, however, presents a problem. Because the written standard maintained by the ROC differs from that endorsed by the PRC, there is a misguided tendency to call the ROC standard "Taiwanese". Again, especially in view of the use of alternate scripts in Taiwan for the writing of Formosan languages, such nomenclature is imprecise, unless the context makes it clear that ROC, or Taiwanese, Mandarin is being contrasted with PRC, or Mainland, Mandarin. Regarding the resolution of a name for the written language, we note that there are some thorny parallels regarding the English translation of the several names which Mandarin speakers use to refer to their language when speaking Mandarin. In general contexts, we may translate a term such as "P'u-t'ung-hua" simply as "Mandarin", although we bear in mind that the use of different names to refer to the same language may have important cultural and political antecedents. With the increasing democratization of Taiwan, the manner of reference to Holo may become an even thornier problem than it is at present. As the desires of the Holo-speaking majority come to be expressed through the elected assemblies, there is increasingly a chance that legislation will be enacted which will define "Taiwanese" as Holo, and which will give "Taiwanese" special status as "the indigenous language of Taiwan". Such proposals have already been made. Further, there is even a chance that a renamed Holo could be given official status, either as "a national language" or as "the provincial language".
6. Conclusion
Regardless of how Taiwanese politics may ultimately resolve its language issues, it is the responsibility of scholars and journalists to write descriptions without undo bias. Whatever language situation may be the object of description, unbiased writing is rarely easy; it may require us to question even relatively common usage. As educators, we must cultivate patterns of English usage which are impartial to political positions and social status, and which are nonetheless comprehensive in their expression of all relevant linguistic and cultural distinctions.
1. Naming behavior and ethnography
There are certain issues which must be confronted by the geographer or ethnographer who seeks to describe the linguistic situation of Taiwan. In particular, many people are not fully aware of the rich variety of languages spoken, not to mention the sensitive social and political issues of language use, in Taiwan; nor is the intimate relationship between language and social status in Taiwan generally known. Whether trying to translate Mandarin usage into English or simply writing an original ethnography in English, the linguistic ethnographer must be able to articulate the important cultural distinctions in descriptive language which is precise and fair. In describing Taiwan, too often journalists and even scholars make and accept facile translations of Mandarin phrases, never considering that they may be thereby abetting cultural bias and factual distortion. The proper use of Mandarin is not within the scope of this paper; rather, the remarks here are intended for readers and writers of English, that they may better understand the operative geographic, cultural, and linguistic distinctions in Taiwan. Such knowledge enables educators both to recognize and to promulgate English usage which accurately and impartially reflects these distinctions.
It is not uncommon for someone curious about the languages of some part of the world to turn to a general reference. Although the better atlases, encyclopedias, and country guides can serve to alert the reader to areas of linguistic diversity, they often fail to provide a sociolinguistically adequate description of language status and speaker self-concepts.
Because naming behavior is often associated with political struggle over questions of ownership or entitlement, this is one area of investigation which can illuminate the sociopolitical tensions which may be operative in an area of diverse languages. Even though the precise referential content may be difficult to ascertain, the names of peoples, their languages, and their homelands can and do figure prominently in intercultural disputes. For example, after months of discussion, British and Irish civil servants agreed (among other things) on usage of the phrase "the people in the island of Ireland" as a way of referring to the people without mentioning the name of an unrecognized political entity. Since the long conflict between various factions in Northern Ireland is well known, it is not surprising that there should be debate over the language of documents being written to pave the road to a lasting peace. Even so, Ireland is only one of many areas where there is argument over the use of names, designators, and descriptive phrases. In most of these areas, the issues underlying such debates are as historically complex and emotionally sensitive as in Ireland.
As outsiders, we cannot begin to appreciate, nor even perceive, differences in labeling habits without fully understanding the underlying social and political turmoil. In order to gain such an understanding, we commonly rely on popular journals, which provide models for popular writing and thought on contemporary issues. When a journal makes an effort to distinguish between the phrase "Serbian troops" and the phrase "Serb troops", readers take notice; if they had previously been inclined to use these terms interchangeably, such readers soon look for characteristic differences. The level of detail with which popular journal writing treats a given geographic area will depend on the relative newsworthiness of that area. For a long time, the terms "Yugoslavia" and "Yugoslavian" enjoyed great currency in the description of an area of southeastern Europe. When the Olympics were held in Sarajevo, many people learned that Sarajevo was in Yugoslavia; but it took the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the subsequent civil war to teach many people that Sarajevo is the capital of Bosnia-Herzegovina. Many geographic differences are of only local importance, but sometimes these local distinctions receive wider attention. At such times, it is important that descriptions prepared for a wider audience accurately reflect the local situation.
Taiwan is one area which has been receiving greater international attention of late; however, despite the existence of good English-language reports, journals aimed at a general readership have not yet begun to accurately reflect the complex linguistic tensions of the area. The languages which were spoken by the earliest inhabitants of the area were exclusively Austronesian, and, although several of these have become extinct, Taiwan's surviving autochthonous languages confirm the historic importance of Formosa in the great Austronesian expansion. In addition, two Sinitic languages were established centuries ago by immigrants from the Chinese mainland. During the past century, Japanese, Mandarin, and English gained currency as languages of government, education, or commerce. As the government has become less repressive, issues of language choice have become subjects of great debate. Unfortunately, the social status of Taiwan's languages is never described, and only rarely is this linguistic diversity even alluded to in the popular press. When diversity is mentioned, it is couched in terms of a simple Mandarin-versus-Taiwanese dichotomy, which is overly simplistic, perpetuating misunderstandings about the linguistic situation of Taiwan. In this case, the neglect of proper description is not benign, and it must be corrected by a review of the relevant historical, geographic, and linguistic facts.
As a brief illustration of the sort of facts which require an accounting, this report will focus on the use of two terms: "Taiwanese" and "indigenous language of Taiwan". It is often said that there is a particular language called Taiwanese, and it is sometimes said that Taiwanese is the indigenous language of Taiwan. I will suggest here that it is confusing to refer to any single language as Taiwanese; rather there are several Taiwanese languages. Moreover, I will argue that one must be especially careful about interpreting "indigenous" in the context of Taiwan.
2. Formosan language loss
As part of Japan from 1895 to 1945, Taiwan was an area of great linguistic diversity. Two Sinitic languages had great currency. Varieties of Fukienese, collectively known as Holo, were spoken by the Hoklo Chinese, the descendants of immigrants from Fukien. Hakka was also spoken by many of the Hakka Chinese, who were also descendent from mainland China immigrants. In addition, several autochthonous Formosan languages were spoken, most notably: Amis, Tayal, Saisiyat, Tsou, Bunun, Puyuma, Paiwan, Rukai, and Yami. For the Formosans, Japanese administration proved to be an era of comparative enlightenment. The impact of the Dutch and other European settlements had been short-lived, and the long period of Chinese rule had been exploitative and destructive. By setting Japanese up as the official language, the government placed the Chinese and the Formosans on more equal footing. Moreover, the Japanese opened roads, schools, and churches in the highlands, providing hitherto isolated Formosans access to the fruits of a modern economy. Except in those few areas which resisted Japanese encroachment, rural development fostered contact between Formosan groups and improved their material standard of living. Older Formosans, who first experienced literacy, electricity, and modern medicine as gifts from a cadre of paternalistic Japanese teachers, engineers, and doctors, are today nostalgic for the days of Japanese rule; they are quite happy to speak Japanese whenever they encounter strangers, and they prefer to use Japanese hymnals in church. As Japanese education programs became increasingly comprehensive, although Holo use remained widespread among the Chinese, Japanese became the lingua franca of communication between highland Formosans and lowland Chinese.
The flight of the ROC (Republic of China) to Taipei radically changed the demographics of Taiwan. In the four years following the "restoration" of Chinese rule, over four million Chinese immigrants came to Formosa, nearly all of them with the ROC government in 1949. The result was an increase in the Taiwan population of fifty per cent. The language of these new immigrants was overwhelmingly Mandarin, commonly called Kuo-yü in Taiwan. Though it had been the official language of China since 1928, Mandarin was not widely used in Taiwan. Except for the Mandarin-speaking provincial officials who replaced the Japanese in 1945, the Chinese of Taiwan spoke either Holo or Hakka.
As Formosa became the ROC's fortress, much of the rugged highlands was designated for military use only, and the autochthonous Formosans living in those areas were forced from their homes. Elsewhere, Formosans were permitted to remain in their highland villages, but access to those villages became restricted, hindering travel by Formosans between neighboring villages. Although many Formosans have continued to live in these restricted villages, over the years there has been a sizable exodus of Formosans to the lower unrestricted zones. Formosans, who had long been able to maintain their language and customs in the highlands, came under pressure to assimilate to the Chinese culture of the lowlands. This rapid and extensive assimilation resulted in indigenous cultural loss. Although very recently the Formosan churches have been leading efforts to revive and maintain important Formosan traditions, the cultural loss has often been so great that recovery is impossible. The loss of land and the physical dislocation of Formosan settlements caused by military operations has been the largest single factor in the loss of Formosan languages and customs.
The ROC transformed Taiwan from a fishing and agrarian province into a diversified economic powerhouse. The resulting urbanization of the population also threatened the Formosans, who found themselves at a distinct disadvantage among the Chinese who dominated the cities. Rapidly, the urban populations became stratified along linguistic lines. At the top were the Chinese speakers of Mandarin, known as extra-provincials because of their recent immigration from the mainland; they controlled both the ROC government and the provincial government, as well as the various government-sponsored social and commercial organizations. Next, the Chinese speakers of Holo derived their status by virtue of being a majority of the populace. In third place were the Chinese speakers of Hakka, a small minority which benefitted from their Sinitic cultural traits. At the bottom were, and still are, the unassimilated Formosans.
Forced from their highland sanctuaries by both military and economic policies, Formosans began to see the acquisition of Chinese language skills as a prerequisite for a better life. After the ROC's relocation, Taiwan's educational system was improved in terms of both quality and access. As a result, ninety four percent of Taiwan's present population can speak Mandarin, either as a first or second language, making Mandarin the most widely known of any language spoken in Taiwan. Formosan languages, such as Paiwan and Amis, which once had some currency as regional linguae francae, now rarely serve that function. Japanese is now used only by older Formosans. Now, when a native Paiwan speaker encounters a native Bunun speaker, they are almost certain to speak Mandarin with each other. Moreover, since Holo and Hakka speakers have also learned Mandarin, knowledge of Mandarin suffices for communication with all of the Sinitic groups in Taiwan. Knowledge of Mandarin has afforded Formosans the same educational opportunities as enjoyed by the Chinese in Taiwan, and it is now spawning an educated elite of young Formosan scholars, with foreign language skills in English and Japanese as well. Unfortunately, equal educational opportunity has not been matched by equal employment opportunity, and the Formosans continue to be the poorest segment of Taiwan's population.
3. Laying claim to "Taiwanese"
The institution of Mandarin as the language of Taiwanese government in 1945, and its widespread promotion as the language of learning since then, has met with opposition from one large segment of the population. Initially, speakers of Holo were pleased when Mandarin replaced Japanese as the language of government. As elsewhere in other provinces, Mandarin was primarily a written norm, and the Holo speakers did not adhere closely to the pronunciation standards set by the central government; however, when the central government moved its seat to Taipei, the pronunciation of Chinese in Taiwan came under closer scrutiny. Mandarin norms of pronunciation were thoroughly taught and strictly enforced. In the schools, in the courts, in government bureaus, and over the airwaves, proper Mandarin was the language of choice. Many speakers of Holo, who comprised a majority of Taiwan's population, were unhappy with this strict Mandarin policy.
Over the years, as their socioeconomic position has improved, Holo speakers have increasingly pressed for more widespread usage of Holo. In order to justify their position, these Holo speakers have taken to calling themselves and their language "Taiwanese", which is misleading for several reasons. First, Holo has no official status; it is neither the language of provincial government nor the language of the ROC government. Second, Holo is not the most widely spoken language in Taiwan. Third, Holo is not an autochthonous language of Taiwan. Mandarin, the official government language, is also Taiwan's most widely spoken language, known by ninety-four percent of the population. As for Taiwan's extant autochthonous languages, they are all Austronesian. The only justification for calling Holo "Taiwanese" is the fact that it is the mother tongue for seventy percent of the population; which explains the emotions, but which hardly justifies the epithet. In multilingual Taiwan, there are several Taiwanese languages, and there seems no particularly good reason for singling out one of them in this fashion.
It is sometimes forgotten that Holo is the same language as the Fukienese variety spoken in Amoy, which is attested by the unproblematic use of the Amoy Bible by Holo speakers in Taiwan. To be sure, as is the case with many languages which are as widely spoken as Fukienese, there is some regional dialectal variation, and there is Holo dialectal variation even within Taiwan (Harrell 1982). Thus, it would not be inappropriate, when distinguishing such dialects of Fukienese, to talk about "the Taiwanese Fukienese dialect", or even about "the Kaohsiung dialect of Fukienese". However, given the multilingual nature of Taiwan, to say simply "Taiwanese" is confoundingly imprecise.
Hoklo activists have even begun to call their language "the indigenous language of Taiwan". Of course, words such as "native", "indigenous", and "autochthonous" are open to interpretation, but there are generally accepted meanings for these terms. Typically, we speak of a native language community when there is a significant community which speaks that language as a first language. It is in this sense that we say that French is natively spoken in Paris; or that English is a native language of Philadelphia. Thus, it is certainly accurate to say that Holo is natively spoken in Taiwan. On the other hand, because it is not among the languages spoken by the earliest known inhabitants, Holo is clearly not an autochthonous language of Taiwan. The determination of whether Holo is an indigenous language of Taiwan is more difficult. Certainly, in the common sense of indigenous which is synonymous with autochthonous, Holo is not one of Taiwan's indigenous languages. On the other hand, there is a sense in which a language may be indigenous, or native, to an area; and in this sense it is not unreasonable to say that Holo is indigenous to Taiwan, given its long history of usage there. The Mandarin word which "indigenous" is intended to translate has the sense of "preceding", and it is certainly true that Holo was widely spoken in Taiwan long before Mandarin; however, the Formosan languages were spoken in the area for centuries before the arrival of Holo speakers.
Recently, the ROC has tacitly admitted to Formosan demands that their status as indigenous peoples be recognized. The Sinitic languages Holo and Hakka are now officially known as indigenous in the sense of preceding or prior, and the autochthonous Austronesian languages of Taiwan are known as indigenous in the sense of original or first. However, there has been no official effort to rectify the misrepresentation involved in the use of "Taiwanese" to refer exclusively to Holo; indeed government agencies casually promote this usage, just as they continue to refrain from correcting English-language reports that President Lee Teng-hui speaks "Taiwanese", an "indigenous" language of Taiwan. Presumably this is because the ROC has an interest in characterizing Taiwan as a land of two, exclusively Sinitic, languages. Worldwide, groups which have suffered from linguistic discrimination increasingly seek recognition of their language rights at international fora such as the United Nations, and the choice of a label such as "indigenous" can carry great weight in the context of international law. Because speakers of languages recognized as indigenous are often entitled to special legal protections, a claim to indigenous status may be motivated by the desire for such entitlements. In preparing their reports, foreign correspondents and editors must become familiar with the actual language situation in order to avoid abetting any misrepresentation.
It is worth noting that the dominance of Holo has been aided by the assimilation of the Hakka minority. Historically, the Austronesian minority has benefitted from the division of the Sinitic majority, because the speakers of Formosan languages could sometimes benefit from the legal protections afforded the Hakka minority. Nevertheless, during the period of Chinese colonization, which was led by Holo speakers, the Hakka speakers also suffered from linguistic discrimination. Gradually, many Hakka were co-opted to the extent that, not only did they begin speaking Holo, but they also recreated their ethnic history. According to Hsu, "there are 'Hakka' in the Chang-hua Plain who think that they were always as 'Hokkien' as they now appear to be". The number of Hakka who have thus redefined their ethnic identity as Hoklo is great; the number of Hakka who have become native speakers of Holo, regardless of their perceived ethnic identity, is even greater. Since 1949, the proportion of the Sinitic population which is native Hakka speaking has continued to decrease further. Hakka speakers who have no particular wish to pass as Hoklo will speak Mandarin. Nowadays, there are Hakka restaurants in Taipei, for example, run by proud Hakka ethnics who speak Mandarin with only an occasional word of Hakka. Increasing tolerance for minorities and improving legal protections may now be changing the pattern, and perhaps slowing the rate, of Hakka language loss and cultural assimilation; nonetheless, many Hakka-speaking communities have become Holo-speaking communities over the years, thus increasing the proportion of Holo speakers, and thereby contributing to solidarity among the Sinitic Taiwanese.
4. A false Sinitic dualism
As Holo speakers have grown more powerful, and as the number of mainland-born Taiwanese has decreased, a bipolar struggle has emerged between Mandarin speakers and Holo speakers which is effectively marginalizing the Formosans and their languages. Holo-speaking activists claim to speak for the Taiwanese, in contradistinction to the "extra-provincials" (i.e., those Chinese born outside of the province who immigrated with Chiang Kai-shek). On the other hand, the ROC and its supporters speak Mandarin. Politically, the major opposition party (the DPP) has increasingly promoted the use of Holo, even though this practice is effectively excluding the many party members who do not speak Holo. Among those excluded are the autochthonous Formosans, relatively few of whom speak Holo, but who have been strong supporters of the opposition party. There have been pleas by Holo-speaking activists that "their indigenous language rights be respected", and that the teaching of "Taiwanese" in school and the broadcasting of "Taiwanese language programming" be permitted. Interviews of well educated Sinitic Taiwanese indicate that much of the Taipei population may be unaware that there are in Taiwan sizable populations which still speak, for example, Amis, Tayal, Tsou, and Paiwan. English-speaking Sinitic Taiwanese are typically nonplussed when I ask to which Austronesian language they are referring when they say "Taiwanese"; for them "Taiwanese" means Holo. The rhetoric of Sinitic dualism is so pervasive that the average Sinitic Taiwanese thinks in terms of "China versus Taiwan" and "Mandarin versus Taiwanese". Foreign journalists, and the readers whom they influence, are too readily adopting this Sinitic characterization which ignores the Formosans and the truly indigenous languages of Taiwan.
The bipolar Sinitic view is simply incorrect, for it suggests that language use is aligned with ethnic and cultural groups. Indeed, this is true of the Formosan languages and of Hakka to some extent, for knowledge of one of these languages is a fairly reliable indicator of membership in the group (e.g., a speaker of Tsou is almost certainly an ethnic Tsou by birth or possibly by marriage or adoption). The converse, that a member of one of these groups can normally speak the emblematic language, is not true, due to language loss and assimilation to Mandarin and to Holo. Taiwanese speak Mandarin for various reasons. Many native Mandarin speakers are Taiwan born; and, although some of them do indeed identify with the mainland, many of them do not. Younger Formosans commonly speak Mandarin. In fact, the use of Mandarin has been so widespread for so long that one can no longer assume that even a monolingual Mandarin speaker is an extra-provincial. Nowadays, the use of Mandarin signifies little more than an educated, probably urban, environment. Holo monolingualism is a better indicator of Hoklo ethnicity, but again with a large margin for error due to the historical cultural assimilation of the Hakka.
5. Additional pitfalls
Ethnographers commonly advocate the policy of referring to a community and their language by the names which that community itself uses. In the case of particular Formosan language names, although alternate spellings are encountered which reflect Chinese language interference (e.g., Ami-su) or regional variation in pronunciation, the policy of autonym usage is routinely observed in English language writing. However, in the case of the Sinitic languages, because of the long tradition of using "Chinese" as a general rubric for any Sinitic language whatsoever, the application of the autonym policy is difficult.
An English-speaking Taiwanese may label his or her own Sinitic speech as "Chinese", but, in light of the fact that there are three widely spoken Sinitic languages in Taiwan, the ambiguity of "Chinese" outweighs its utility as a general descriptor. In a foreign journal which talks about a "Chinese-speaking" resident, the knowledgeable reader is left to guess which particular Chinese language the resident speaks; in the worse case of a reader who is unaware that there are three common Chinese languages in Taiwan, this usage reinforces a mistaken belief that all Sinitic Taiwanese speak the same language. Thus, as with specialist ethnographies, popular writing can better serve its readers by maintaining distinct English language names for the three Sinitic languages of Taiwan. In the case of Hakka, the English name for this language is well established, and it is also accepted by English-speaking members of the Hakka community. The pitfalls to be avoided are associated with reference to the two dominant languages: Holo and Mandarin.
In the case of Mandarin speakers, the English name for their language is well established and generally accepted by those who also speak English. The written language, however, presents a problem. Because the written standard maintained by the ROC differs from that endorsed by the PRC, there is a misguided tendency to call the ROC standard "Taiwanese". Again, especially in view of the use of alternate scripts in Taiwan for the writing of Formosan languages, such nomenclature is imprecise, unless the context makes it clear that ROC, or Taiwanese, Mandarin is being contrasted with PRC, or Mainland, Mandarin. Regarding the resolution of a name for the written language, we note that there are some thorny parallels regarding the English translation of the several names which Mandarin speakers use to refer to their language when speaking Mandarin. In general contexts, we may translate a term such as "P'u-t'ung-hua" simply as "Mandarin", although we bear in mind that the use of different names to refer to the same language may have important cultural and political antecedents. With the increasing democratization of Taiwan, the manner of reference to Holo may become an even thornier problem than it is at present. As the desires of the Holo-speaking majority come to be expressed through the elected assemblies, there is increasingly a chance that legislation will be enacted which will define "Taiwanese" as Holo, and which will give "Taiwanese" special status as "the indigenous language of Taiwan". Such proposals have already been made. Further, there is even a chance that a renamed Holo could be given official status, either as "a national language" or as "the provincial language".
6. Conclusion
Regardless of how Taiwanese politics may ultimately resolve its language issues, it is the responsibility of scholars and journalists to write descriptions without undo bias. Whatever language situation may be the object of description, unbiased writing is rarely easy; it may require us to question even relatively common usage. As educators, we must cultivate patterns of English usage which are impartial to political positions and social status, and which are nonetheless comprehensive in their expression of all relevant linguistic and cultural distinctions.
Japanese Dialects
Just like how the Chinese have different dialects such as Teochew, Hokkien, Cantonese and many more, the Japanese also have different dialects that are subdivided according to regions. The lingua franca of Japan however is hyojungo which is the standard language based on Tokyo dialect. The dialects are referred to by placing the province or place with a “-ben” at the end, for example, “Osaka-ben” or “Kyo-ben” which means Osaka dialect and Kyoto dialect respectively.
The dialects can be largely divided into three; The Eastern dialects, the Western dialects and Kyushu dialects. The Eastern dialects mainly consist of dialects of Hokkaido, Tohoku, Kanto and eastern part of Chubu whereas the Western dialects consists of dialects of Kansai (which includes Osaka, Kyoto and Kobe cities), Shikoku, Hokuriku and Chugoku.
Western Japan used to be the epicentre for commerce and trading hence it was the economic base of the country. Kansai-ben was predominantly used in political and economic matters and Kansai was the former home of Japan’s first two capitals: Nara and Kyoto.
Tokyo is the modern capital of Japan and is situated in the eastern part of Japan which is also known as Kanto hence the Kanto dialects. Since Tokyo has become known as the capital of Japan, the Tokyo dialect is also known as the standard language which is usually used in official matters such as government policies and education.
The reason for the existence of many dialects in Japan is due to the lack of mobility and contact with other regions. Some dialects are similar to one another while others may be completely foreign to people living in different regions.
The dialects can be largely divided into three; The Eastern dialects, the Western dialects and Kyushu dialects. The Eastern dialects mainly consist of dialects of Hokkaido, Tohoku, Kanto and eastern part of Chubu whereas the Western dialects consists of dialects of Kansai (which includes Osaka, Kyoto and Kobe cities), Shikoku, Hokuriku and Chugoku.
Western Japan used to be the epicentre for commerce and trading hence it was the economic base of the country. Kansai-ben was predominantly used in political and economic matters and Kansai was the former home of Japan’s first two capitals: Nara and Kyoto.
Tokyo is the modern capital of Japan and is situated in the eastern part of Japan which is also known as Kanto hence the Kanto dialects. Since Tokyo has become known as the capital of Japan, the Tokyo dialect is also known as the standard language which is usually used in official matters such as government policies and education.
The reason for the existence of many dialects in Japan is due to the lack of mobility and contact with other regions. Some dialects are similar to one another while others may be completely foreign to people living in different regions.
Examples of Useful Japanese Phrases
Politeness and courtesy are two important aspects of the Japanese culture. Besides gestures such as bowing, language also plays a key role. The Japanese people are polite in the sense that they are not direct and tend not to have a straight-to-the-point kind of conversation. They will ask about a person’s well-being and even moving on to discuss about the weather. Response words such as “Hai” which means “yes” and “So desu ka” which means “Is that so?” shows attentiveness even if the person does not agree with the issue that is being discussed about.
Greetings:
Japanese --> English
Ohayou= Good morning
Konnichiwa= Good afternoon
Konbanwa= Good evening
Oyasumi nasai= Good night
Sayonara= Good bye
Genki desu ka= How are you?
So desu ka= Is that so?
Japan has become one of the major shopping districts of the world with Harajuku being a popular tourist attraction. Since shopping is an essential part of a tourist’s experience in a foreign country, it would be helpful to know a few phrases to make the shopping experience a little bit easier.
Useful expressions when you are shopping”
Hai= Yes
Iie(EE-eh)= No
Arigato gozaimasu= Thank You
Do itashimashite= You’re Welcome
Ikura desu ka= How much?
Kore wa nan desu ka= What’s this?
Another bane for a tourist in Japan is the possibility of getting lost and the need to ask for help.
Phrases you can use in case you get lost or need help:
Sumimasen= Excuse me
Gomen-nasai= Sorry
Tatsuke (tah-soo-ke-teh)= Help!
Wakarimasen= I don’t understand
Dareke eigo o hanasemasuka? (dah-reh-kah AY-goh oh hah-nah-she-moss-KAH?)= Is there someone here who speaks English?
Greetings:
Japanese --> English
Ohayou= Good morning
Konnichiwa= Good afternoon
Konbanwa= Good evening
Oyasumi nasai= Good night
Sayonara= Good bye
Genki desu ka= How are you?
So desu ka= Is that so?
Japan has become one of the major shopping districts of the world with Harajuku being a popular tourist attraction. Since shopping is an essential part of a tourist’s experience in a foreign country, it would be helpful to know a few phrases to make the shopping experience a little bit easier.
Useful expressions when you are shopping”
Hai= Yes
Iie(EE-eh)= No
Arigato gozaimasu= Thank You
Do itashimashite= You’re Welcome
Ikura desu ka= How much?
Kore wa nan desu ka= What’s this?
Another bane for a tourist in Japan is the possibility of getting lost and the need to ask for help.
Phrases you can use in case you get lost or need help:
Sumimasen= Excuse me
Gomen-nasai= Sorry
Tatsuke (tah-soo-ke-teh)= Help!
Wakarimasen= I don’t understand
Dareke eigo o hanasemasuka? (dah-reh-kah AY-goh oh hah-nah-she-moss-KAH?)= Is there someone here who speaks English?
The Japanese Language and How It Is Relevant To Us In The World Today
The Japanese Language
An estimated 125 million speak this language in the world today, they are mainly found in the islands of Japan, as well as small communities of expatriates in the US, Brazil, South Korea, Taiwan and Hawaii.
Japanese people from opposite ends of the islands may not be able to converse with each other using their local dialects. All Japanese do know a standard language that is taught in schools and used in the media so whatever Japanese you learn, you will be understood throughout Japan. Comprehending a local dialect response however, will be altogether more difficult.
Its relevance to our world today
Economically, Japan is the fourth largest economy in the world (2009), specializing in shipping exports of high quality goods such as cars and electronics. To be able to speak the language is most definitely an asset in this aspect. However, now, most Japanese business people are fluent in English, therefore there is no real need to learn it unless of course for recreation.
There is not much political advantage one would attain after learning this language, as compared to being able to communicate in English. However, the language remains one that is popular to learn amongst people, especially youths due to its relation to the entertainment industry. In a social aspect, many youths who are into the Japanese scene will inevitably learn simple phrases. This is most apparent to those who avidly listen to J-pop or read Japanese Manga and Anime.
How Japan is supporting the spread of the Japanese language
Due to its popularity, the language is easily found as an option to learn in language schools around the world. According to 2006 Survey of Overseas Organizations Involved in Japanese-Language Education by the Japan Foundation, there are about 2.98 million Japanese-language learners. As the number of people studying Japanese is rapidly increasing worldwide, so are the opportunities to put their skills to use in a wide variety of careers. This has led to the demand among the students of Japanese for the establishment of a venue by which their language proficiency can be certified.
The Japanese-Language Proficiency Test was devised to respond to this growing demand in 1984. This is especially important for those seeking to study in a Japanese university.
It is also easy to attain information on how to learn it. Japanese-Language Education Information by Countries provides information on Japanese-language education in about 150 countries and districts in the world, major syllabus/guidelines related to Japanese-language education in each country, and teachers associations and academic conferences. They also dispatch people to other nations to teach the language. These are efforts of The Japan Foundation to aid the education of the Japanese language worldwide.
The Japanese language is the most popular foreign language to learn in Singapore, with 12,076 learners in 2007 from MOE Language School, Polytechnics, universities, JCS and other language schools and community centres. 4,166 sat for the Japanese Language Proficiency Test (JLPT) among them, up 12.3% from the previous year.
An estimated 125 million speak this language in the world today, they are mainly found in the islands of Japan, as well as small communities of expatriates in the US, Brazil, South Korea, Taiwan and Hawaii.
Japanese people from opposite ends of the islands may not be able to converse with each other using their local dialects. All Japanese do know a standard language that is taught in schools and used in the media so whatever Japanese you learn, you will be understood throughout Japan. Comprehending a local dialect response however, will be altogether more difficult.
Its relevance to our world today
Economically, Japan is the fourth largest economy in the world (2009), specializing in shipping exports of high quality goods such as cars and electronics. To be able to speak the language is most definitely an asset in this aspect. However, now, most Japanese business people are fluent in English, therefore there is no real need to learn it unless of course for recreation.
There is not much political advantage one would attain after learning this language, as compared to being able to communicate in English. However, the language remains one that is popular to learn amongst people, especially youths due to its relation to the entertainment industry. In a social aspect, many youths who are into the Japanese scene will inevitably learn simple phrases. This is most apparent to those who avidly listen to J-pop or read Japanese Manga and Anime.
How Japan is supporting the spread of the Japanese language
Due to its popularity, the language is easily found as an option to learn in language schools around the world. According to 2006 Survey of Overseas Organizations Involved in Japanese-Language Education by the Japan Foundation, there are about 2.98 million Japanese-language learners. As the number of people studying Japanese is rapidly increasing worldwide, so are the opportunities to put their skills to use in a wide variety of careers. This has led to the demand among the students of Japanese for the establishment of a venue by which their language proficiency can be certified.
The Japanese-Language Proficiency Test was devised to respond to this growing demand in 1984. This is especially important for those seeking to study in a Japanese university.
It is also easy to attain information on how to learn it. Japanese-Language Education Information by Countries provides information on Japanese-language education in about 150 countries and districts in the world, major syllabus/guidelines related to Japanese-language education in each country, and teachers associations and academic conferences. They also dispatch people to other nations to teach the language. These are efforts of The Japan Foundation to aid the education of the Japanese language worldwide.
The Japanese language is the most popular foreign language to learn in Singapore, with 12,076 learners in 2007 from MOE Language School, Polytechnics, universities, JCS and other language schools and community centres. 4,166 sat for the Japanese Language Proficiency Test (JLPT) among them, up 12.3% from the previous year.
History of Japanese Language
In the world we live in today, the overwhelming surfeit of languages and dialects nicely complements the myriad of ethnicities in the world. The rich history of these languages can also be unravelled and allow Man to be appreciative of their respective spoken languages. Thus, one should never take for granted the Japanese language that one would inevitably hear when in Japan. Behind the simple syllable structure in the language when spoken or written, holds a long history that dates back to the 2000 BC. The Japanese language is the only language in the world that has no definitive answer in the “clarification of its origins” [An Overview of the History of the Japanese Language, 20 March 2008].
In its spoken tongue, the Japanese language has been also transformed from its “Old-Japanese” language, to the modern Japanese language, which has been influenced by other ethnicities due to our shrinking world as Man accelerates in breaking down barriers to allow one to travel and explore abroad. From external influences, the “Old-Japanese” language, with originally 8 vowel phonemes, the modern Japanese language has only 5, changing the original pronunciation of Japanese words, thus leading to its evolution from ancient to modern.
Aside from verbal linguistics, the written language has been nothing but complex and intricate, just like how Chinese is. Why is this so? Lacking a proper writing system like what the Chinese had, the educated Japanese initially followed the Chinese style of writing. However, the intricate nature of the Chinese language was also the factor which led to the evolution of the Japanese language. By the 8th and 9th century, the Chinese words that the Japanese have adopted changed for simplicity’s sake. And through the evolution of the written language, it has allowed for the Japanese to “easily” express themselves through poetry, songs and stories (etc.).
In its spoken tongue, the Japanese language has been also transformed from its “Old-Japanese” language, to the modern Japanese language, which has been influenced by other ethnicities due to our shrinking world as Man accelerates in breaking down barriers to allow one to travel and explore abroad. From external influences, the “Old-Japanese” language, with originally 8 vowel phonemes, the modern Japanese language has only 5, changing the original pronunciation of Japanese words, thus leading to its evolution from ancient to modern.
Aside from verbal linguistics, the written language has been nothing but complex and intricate, just like how Chinese is. Why is this so? Lacking a proper writing system like what the Chinese had, the educated Japanese initially followed the Chinese style of writing. However, the intricate nature of the Chinese language was also the factor which led to the evolution of the Japanese language. By the 8th and 9th century, the Chinese words that the Japanese have adopted changed for simplicity’s sake. And through the evolution of the written language, it has allowed for the Japanese to “easily” express themselves through poetry, songs and stories (etc.).
Outlook for the Future of Taiwanese
The potential for Taiwanese and other local languages to persevere into the future depends entirely on the younger generations in Taiwan. Ultimately, they are the ones who will have to decide how important it is to preserve Taiwan’s native languages. Unlike their parents’ and older generations, the Taiwanese youth are disconnected from Taiwan’s oppressive past, and they rely on different elements to create their identity. While the young are extremely open-minded culturally, they are not as driven as the older generations to promote a distinctive Taiwanese identity.
A collective identity for a group of people is often determined based on ethnic, linguistic or national terms. However, there are many other factors that influence the range of who belongs within the context of the identity. One of the most important factors in Taiwan is having common historical roots. Taiwanese all share the same modern history, but there are generational gaps in how the historical events are perceived. These perceptions are based largely on whether or not an individual experienced a historical event first-hand. Those who did, specifically the older generations (40 years of age and older), have much stronger convictions in their desire to promote a Taiwanese identity. The younger generations (people under 40 years of age) grew up under more open conditions, giving them a relaxed attitude towards expressing a Taiwanese culture.
It is this very attitude that is influencing the younger generation’s opinion on promoting the Taiwanese language. While they feel a cultural connection to the language, they seldom feel a necessity to seek to preserve and promulgate its usage. To them, Mandarin is the common language of today, and English is the language that will bring them into a prosperous future. Taiwanese and the other local languages are only important for communicating with the older generations, and the vast majority of youth are not that proficient in these languages. This lack of enthusiasm towards local language usage is the key issue that could lead to their demise.
According to a survey performed by Li-li Huang, James H. Liu and Maanling Chang, which analyzed Taiwanese attitudes towards their identity and historical events, there were pronounced differences when the responses were broken down along generational lines. They suggest that people’s attitude towards their national history directly influences their evaluation of their own identity:
Examination of the correlations for older adults in the general population compared to students revealed that Chinese and Taiwanese identity was less compatible among older adults than among younger adults. This suggests that history is involved in the negative correlation, as older adults would have had more direct experience of the events nominated [by the people surveyed] than younger ones.
Because the younger population of Taiwan did not live through the periods of suppression, they are more open to accepting the Chinese part of their identity. This factor is directly related to language attitudes, since the youth are not only satisfied with being Taiwanese Chinese, but are also satisfied with having a shared national language with the Communist mainland. It is the older generations who have the desire to promote a de-sinicized Taiwanese identity, and with it the local languages and cultures of Taiwan.
The most direct way to evaluate the young people’s attitude towards local languages is to look at their favored language for communication. Without a doubt, the vast majority tends to have a preference for Mandarin, although they do maintain a capacity, in varying degrees, to code-switch to Taiwanese if the need arises. Unfortunately, local language usage among the younger people is very similar to that of second or third generation immigrants. They use the dominant language (here this is Mandarin) in their outside environment and their parents’ mother tongue (Taiwanese or another local languages) when at home. There are some slight variations on this pattern, but as the young start to create their own households and have children, what will the language of their home be? Based on this model, we would assume it would become Mandarin, the language they are most comfortable speaking.
Looking at the Taiwanese youth of today, is there any domain in which they prefer to use a local language as their voice? One of the most obvious places to look would be their own cultural products, such as those in the entertainment industry. The feel of pop music in Taiwan today is very different from that of the late 1980s–early 1990s, which focused more on local languages and singers with a local heritage.15 Today’s pop music is dominated by Mandarin, and a large proportion of the singers are not even Taiwanese; instead, they are overseas Chinese. This change in trend can help us further understand how the youth want to be perceived.
The music industry has a great influence over popular culture, especially that of the younger generations of Taiwanese society (approximately 10–30 years of age). Some of the trends in the music industry are reflective of attitudes in their fans. Today’s pop music is almost exclusively performed in Mandarin, although there is some code-mixing involved, and some singers opt to sing the occasional song in their mother tongue. The mainstream of the music industry works in accord with general attitudes of young Taiwanese. Mandarin is the language of their voice, although there are still some concepts that are better defined using Taiwanese or English, and that is where the code-mixing fits in. English is generally used for the purpose of adding prestige and an element of trendiness to a song, while Taiwanese is used to express an idea that Mandarin is incapable of expressing.
The youth desire a capacity for English to prove they are modern and members of the global society. This desire is strongly rooted in the historical events they have lived through. Throughout most of their lives, Taiwan has lacked a presence on the international stage, and their desire to attain knowledge of English could represent their wish to gain some international recognition. They are no longer concerned with finding a voice for their native cultures, which has been done by the previous generations. The freedom to express themselves in their local languages is taken for granted by the vast majority of young Taiwanese, and they seem disassociated from the element of cultural heritage these languages provide.
However, there are still two sections of the music industry that do utilize local languages, and they are significant factors in helping to increase the prestige associated with local language. These are the rap and underground music industries. Perhaps because Taiwanese is the language most closely tied to the cultural roots of the Taiwanese people, it has become the main voice of the rap industry. Mandarin is unable to provide the gritty, urban slang associated with rap, while Taiwanese fits the bill perfectly. Like Ebonics, the voice of American rap, Taiwanese is currently a purely spoken linguistic form, lacking a standardized written form. It also closely parallels Ebonics in that it is the “lower” language functioning in a system of diglossia (where standard American English is the “higher” form). Although acting as the voice of rap music is fairly limiting in range, this facet of Taiwanese has helped to secure its position and remind the young generations that it is a major piece of their cultural legacy.
The other section of the music industry that relies on local languages for its voice is the underground section. While the mainstream pop industry caters to teenagers relating such culturally “empty” topics as love and relationships, underground music tends to deal with more culturally relevant issues. Underground bands tend to draw on their own experiences to create their song lyrics, and this, in conjunction with the lack of restrictions that dominate the mainstream music industry, allows them to create true cultural reflections of the Taiwanese consciousness. Many underground bands still opt to sing in Mandarin, but in order to express the correct “mood” or “feeling” others choose Taiwanese or one of the other local languages. Code-mixing is also more heavily used, and the language of underground music is more reflective of colloquial speech than that of its mainstream counterpart. Underground and rap music may not have as many followers as mainstream pop music, but in many ways they are more culturally accurate portrayals of the young generation, and they still rely heavily on the local languages of Taiwan.
The last topic relevant to determining the future for local languages is the technical world. Today, all fields and industries are dependent on technical support to function. Without an accurate and feasible inputting system, a language is not going to be usable for communicating data via computers, and I strongly question the ability of such a language to survive into the next century. The younger generations of society have grown up in a world ruled by computers and microchips, where playing video games and surfing the Internet dominates free time. If a language is not capable of having a presence on the Internet or lacks an inputting system, it will be devalued in the eyes of this technically savvy generation.
This is not to say that there are no websites that utilize Taiwanese as their script and voice. To the contrary, there are a growing number of Taiwanese websites, but the crucial question is, what information are they used to convey? Unfortunately, most Taiwanese websites are limited to teaching Taiwanese language or the culture of Taiwan. Relatively few Taiwanese websites hold information that would interest the younger generations, who already lack an interest in studying their native languages and cultures. A further hindrance is that these websites all use different written orthographies, and often visitors to a website must first become oriented to the script before they can discover what information there is to learn. People tend to prefer to explore Internet sites that are not so complicated.
This situation is a vicious cycle that goes back to the Taiwanese national government. If the government would work faster towards standardizing written and spoken Taiwanese, there is a greater chance that people would begin to depend on Taiwanese as a language in more domains. However, because people are still reluctant to use Taiwanese, especially without a standardized form, the government doesn’t realize how dire the situation really is.
The younger generations still acknowledge the cultural value of their local languages, as can be seen by their presence in various art forms, such as music lyrics. In order for them to become an intrinsic part of the daily life of young people, local languages must be given a larger domain of potential uses. It is the responsibility of the generations that currently hold political power to urge the government to work towards incorporating local languages into more functional roles in society. If no one actively seeks to increase the usage of local languages, then they will continue to become more and more marginalized as generations go by.
Abstracted from “The Outlook for the Preservation of Taiwanese Language” Sino-Platonic Papers, 172 (August, 2006) by Deborah Beaser
Read more from:
http://www.sino-platonic.org/complete/spp172_taiwanese_language.pdf
A collective identity for a group of people is often determined based on ethnic, linguistic or national terms. However, there are many other factors that influence the range of who belongs within the context of the identity. One of the most important factors in Taiwan is having common historical roots. Taiwanese all share the same modern history, but there are generational gaps in how the historical events are perceived. These perceptions are based largely on whether or not an individual experienced a historical event first-hand. Those who did, specifically the older generations (40 years of age and older), have much stronger convictions in their desire to promote a Taiwanese identity. The younger generations (people under 40 years of age) grew up under more open conditions, giving them a relaxed attitude towards expressing a Taiwanese culture.
It is this very attitude that is influencing the younger generation’s opinion on promoting the Taiwanese language. While they feel a cultural connection to the language, they seldom feel a necessity to seek to preserve and promulgate its usage. To them, Mandarin is the common language of today, and English is the language that will bring them into a prosperous future. Taiwanese and the other local languages are only important for communicating with the older generations, and the vast majority of youth are not that proficient in these languages. This lack of enthusiasm towards local language usage is the key issue that could lead to their demise.
According to a survey performed by Li-li Huang, James H. Liu and Maanling Chang, which analyzed Taiwanese attitudes towards their identity and historical events, there were pronounced differences when the responses were broken down along generational lines. They suggest that people’s attitude towards their national history directly influences their evaluation of their own identity:
Examination of the correlations for older adults in the general population compared to students revealed that Chinese and Taiwanese identity was less compatible among older adults than among younger adults. This suggests that history is involved in the negative correlation, as older adults would have had more direct experience of the events nominated [by the people surveyed] than younger ones.
Because the younger population of Taiwan did not live through the periods of suppression, they are more open to accepting the Chinese part of their identity. This factor is directly related to language attitudes, since the youth are not only satisfied with being Taiwanese Chinese, but are also satisfied with having a shared national language with the Communist mainland. It is the older generations who have the desire to promote a de-sinicized Taiwanese identity, and with it the local languages and cultures of Taiwan.
The most direct way to evaluate the young people’s attitude towards local languages is to look at their favored language for communication. Without a doubt, the vast majority tends to have a preference for Mandarin, although they do maintain a capacity, in varying degrees, to code-switch to Taiwanese if the need arises. Unfortunately, local language usage among the younger people is very similar to that of second or third generation immigrants. They use the dominant language (here this is Mandarin) in their outside environment and their parents’ mother tongue (Taiwanese or another local languages) when at home. There are some slight variations on this pattern, but as the young start to create their own households and have children, what will the language of their home be? Based on this model, we would assume it would become Mandarin, the language they are most comfortable speaking.
Looking at the Taiwanese youth of today, is there any domain in which they prefer to use a local language as their voice? One of the most obvious places to look would be their own cultural products, such as those in the entertainment industry. The feel of pop music in Taiwan today is very different from that of the late 1980s–early 1990s, which focused more on local languages and singers with a local heritage.15 Today’s pop music is dominated by Mandarin, and a large proportion of the singers are not even Taiwanese; instead, they are overseas Chinese. This change in trend can help us further understand how the youth want to be perceived.
The music industry has a great influence over popular culture, especially that of the younger generations of Taiwanese society (approximately 10–30 years of age). Some of the trends in the music industry are reflective of attitudes in their fans. Today’s pop music is almost exclusively performed in Mandarin, although there is some code-mixing involved, and some singers opt to sing the occasional song in their mother tongue. The mainstream of the music industry works in accord with general attitudes of young Taiwanese. Mandarin is the language of their voice, although there are still some concepts that are better defined using Taiwanese or English, and that is where the code-mixing fits in. English is generally used for the purpose of adding prestige and an element of trendiness to a song, while Taiwanese is used to express an idea that Mandarin is incapable of expressing.
The youth desire a capacity for English to prove they are modern and members of the global society. This desire is strongly rooted in the historical events they have lived through. Throughout most of their lives, Taiwan has lacked a presence on the international stage, and their desire to attain knowledge of English could represent their wish to gain some international recognition. They are no longer concerned with finding a voice for their native cultures, which has been done by the previous generations. The freedom to express themselves in their local languages is taken for granted by the vast majority of young Taiwanese, and they seem disassociated from the element of cultural heritage these languages provide.
However, there are still two sections of the music industry that do utilize local languages, and they are significant factors in helping to increase the prestige associated with local language. These are the rap and underground music industries. Perhaps because Taiwanese is the language most closely tied to the cultural roots of the Taiwanese people, it has become the main voice of the rap industry. Mandarin is unable to provide the gritty, urban slang associated with rap, while Taiwanese fits the bill perfectly. Like Ebonics, the voice of American rap, Taiwanese is currently a purely spoken linguistic form, lacking a standardized written form. It also closely parallels Ebonics in that it is the “lower” language functioning in a system of diglossia (where standard American English is the “higher” form). Although acting as the voice of rap music is fairly limiting in range, this facet of Taiwanese has helped to secure its position and remind the young generations that it is a major piece of their cultural legacy.
The other section of the music industry that relies on local languages for its voice is the underground section. While the mainstream pop industry caters to teenagers relating such culturally “empty” topics as love and relationships, underground music tends to deal with more culturally relevant issues. Underground bands tend to draw on their own experiences to create their song lyrics, and this, in conjunction with the lack of restrictions that dominate the mainstream music industry, allows them to create true cultural reflections of the Taiwanese consciousness. Many underground bands still opt to sing in Mandarin, but in order to express the correct “mood” or “feeling” others choose Taiwanese or one of the other local languages. Code-mixing is also more heavily used, and the language of underground music is more reflective of colloquial speech than that of its mainstream counterpart. Underground and rap music may not have as many followers as mainstream pop music, but in many ways they are more culturally accurate portrayals of the young generation, and they still rely heavily on the local languages of Taiwan.
The last topic relevant to determining the future for local languages is the technical world. Today, all fields and industries are dependent on technical support to function. Without an accurate and feasible inputting system, a language is not going to be usable for communicating data via computers, and I strongly question the ability of such a language to survive into the next century. The younger generations of society have grown up in a world ruled by computers and microchips, where playing video games and surfing the Internet dominates free time. If a language is not capable of having a presence on the Internet or lacks an inputting system, it will be devalued in the eyes of this technically savvy generation.
This is not to say that there are no websites that utilize Taiwanese as their script and voice. To the contrary, there are a growing number of Taiwanese websites, but the crucial question is, what information are they used to convey? Unfortunately, most Taiwanese websites are limited to teaching Taiwanese language or the culture of Taiwan. Relatively few Taiwanese websites hold information that would interest the younger generations, who already lack an interest in studying their native languages and cultures. A further hindrance is that these websites all use different written orthographies, and often visitors to a website must first become oriented to the script before they can discover what information there is to learn. People tend to prefer to explore Internet sites that are not so complicated.
This situation is a vicious cycle that goes back to the Taiwanese national government. If the government would work faster towards standardizing written and spoken Taiwanese, there is a greater chance that people would begin to depend on Taiwanese as a language in more domains. However, because people are still reluctant to use Taiwanese, especially without a standardized form, the government doesn’t realize how dire the situation really is.
The younger generations still acknowledge the cultural value of their local languages, as can be seen by their presence in various art forms, such as music lyrics. In order for them to become an intrinsic part of the daily life of young people, local languages must be given a larger domain of potential uses. It is the responsibility of the generations that currently hold political power to urge the government to work towards incorporating local languages into more functional roles in society. If no one actively seeks to increase the usage of local languages, then they will continue to become more and more marginalized as generations go by.
Abstracted from “The Outlook for the Preservation of Taiwanese Language” Sino-Platonic Papers, 172 (August, 2006) by Deborah Beaser
Read more from:
http://www.sino-platonic.org/complete/spp172_taiwanese_language.pdf
Bilingual Education in Taiwan
Bilingual education has been introduced in the Taiwan area as a way of reversing the previous neglect of Chinese dialects other than Mandarin. The central government has been lagging behind several steps in its proponents for bilingual education; thus, the magistrates of three counties, making good on campaign promises, chose to "jump the gun" and institute programs in the areas under their jurisdiction prior to any decision by the central authorities.
Ilan County was the first to initiate Southern Fujianese courses in elementary and junior high schools. The program was heralded by a county order in June 1990 that students should no longer be discouraged from or punished for speaking dialects at school. Pingtung County followed suit in September 1991, and elective courses in Southern Fujianese, Hakka, and the Paiwan and Rukai aboriginal languages are now taught in selected county schools. Additional activities, such as speech and singing contests, have also been held to further motivate students. These events led to the production of a full multicultural program of music and dance which was performed islandwide.
Extracurricular Atayal language lessons made their debut in 1990 at Taipei County's Wulai elementary and junior high schools, where the majority of students are Atayal aborigines. In the absence of ready-made teaching materials, teachers depended almost solely on a blackboard and their own ingenuity. Some were not very fluent in their ancestral language, and had to learn it themselves as they went along. Materials were compiled as courses were developed. In 1992, the Taipei County Government commissioned its Bureau of Education and the Taipei County Cultural Center to compile teaching materials for the two most prevalent Chinese dialects in Taiwan, Southern Fujianese and Hakka, and two aboriginal languages, Ami and Atayal. The center was also asked to publish a county periodical on bilingual education; sponsor community and campus activities; establish a teacher consultation center; and conduct teacher training programs, teaching workshops and romanization contests. Textbooks compiled by linguistic specialists include content concerning the geography, history, famous people, religion, and arts of Taiwan.
However, the promotion of bilingual education by local governments has faced many obstacles. One of the obstacles comes from parents who do not support bilingual instruction programs. Some parents worry that instruction time spent gaining competence in a chosen Chinese dialect or aboriginal language might negatively affect a student's ability to compose in standard written Chinese, and possibly result in lower scores on college entrance exams. Other parents feel that the usefulness of their native language is limited. "Wouldn't it be better to teach English or Japanese instead?" they reason. For aborigines who are less well off, economic and social advancement is a much more urgent concern; bilingual education may be a luxury that they feel they cannot afford.
To remedy the situation, the MOE revised guidelines and amended curriculum standards for elementary and junior high schools. Starting in September 2001, primary school students will be required to take at least one course on a local language, such as Southern Fujianese, Hakka, or an aboriginal language. For junior high school students, however, such language courses will remain an elective. Furthermore, the revised guidelines clearly stipulate that schools may teach in dialects. The government supports such courses with various levels of funding for compiling teaching materials, publishing teacher handbooks, holding teacher workshops, producing audio and video cassettes, and collecting teaching materials.
Another obstacle is the absence of generally agreed-upon standard written forms for each of the Chinese dialects and aboriginal languages. Different phonetic systems have been proposed and tried. The choices for representing aboriginal languages in the written content of textbooks range from a number of romanization schemes to a phonetic symbol-based system similar to that for Mandarin. For Southern Fujianese and Hakka, the use of Chinese characters with no phonetic alphabet is a third option. However, simply using standard Chinese characters is problematic, since they may only indirectly indicate pronunciation, and some dialects lack widely known, written characters for some of their words.
Mandarin Phonetic Symbols have sometimes been adapted to represent Chinese dialects and aboriginal languages. But because MPS is a part-alphabet, part-syllabary system created primarily for the language's relatively simple phonological and tonal structure, they are not particularly well-adapted for use with other dialects. This is especially true with multisyllabic Austronesian languages like Taiwan's aboriginal tongues.
Romanization systems are perhaps the most flexible and precise and are well suited to serve as the primary writing system for aboriginal languages. In addition, they can serve as an auxiliary system for teaching Chinese dialects. For example, the romanization system developed by missionaries for Southern Fujianese has a long history and is currently in widespread use, so it would seem a natural candidate as a standard phonetic alphabet. As things stand, each method tends to start from scratch and contribute yet another idiosyncratic system to the existing jumble. Thus, progress is often held back simply due to indecision about which system to adopt in education. Nonetheless, a new system must be decided to accommodate both localization and globalization.
In August 1994, the MOE established a task force, composed of experts from the Institute of History and Philology of Academia Sinica, to research dialects and aboriginal languages and establish guidelines for teaching them. A guidebook of auxiliary teaching materials for dialects in junior and senior high schools which proposed a Taiwan language phonetic system was published by the task force in March 1995. The project also involves developing materials for aboriginal languages, including Atayal, Ami, Paiwan, Rukai, Puyuma, Tsou, Bunun, Saisiyat and Kavalan. Moreover, the Legislative Yuan passed the Aboriginal Education Act ¬in 1998, which stipulates that the government should provide aborigines with opportunities to learn their native languages, history and culture at preschools and elementary schools in their hometowns.
In January 1998, the MOE promulgated the Taiwan language phonetic system after some moderate changes were made in line with the romanization system developed by missionaries. Since then, official phonetic systems for Southern Fujianese and Hakka as well as phonetic symbols for aboriginal languages in Taiwan have been established. However, the adoption of this system is not compulsory. Academic or private sector groups are free to develop their own phonetic systems for dialect materials. The first official Min-nan Yu Dictionary was published in 2000 to assist with the implementation of Southern Fujianese courses in schools. It consists of Chinese characters and the Phonetic System for Taiwan's Min-nan Dialect developed by the MOE. The pronunciation is based on the widely used Tainan accent. The Taipei City Bureau of Education published the first set of official Southern Fujianese textbooks for kindergarten students in January 2000. Other teaching materials include posters, CDs, videos and various teaching aids. In May 2000, a series of aboriginal language textbooks were also published by an independent publishing house.
Ilan County was the first to initiate Southern Fujianese courses in elementary and junior high schools. The program was heralded by a county order in June 1990 that students should no longer be discouraged from or punished for speaking dialects at school. Pingtung County followed suit in September 1991, and elective courses in Southern Fujianese, Hakka, and the Paiwan and Rukai aboriginal languages are now taught in selected county schools. Additional activities, such as speech and singing contests, have also been held to further motivate students. These events led to the production of a full multicultural program of music and dance which was performed islandwide.
Extracurricular Atayal language lessons made their debut in 1990 at Taipei County's Wulai elementary and junior high schools, where the majority of students are Atayal aborigines. In the absence of ready-made teaching materials, teachers depended almost solely on a blackboard and their own ingenuity. Some were not very fluent in their ancestral language, and had to learn it themselves as they went along. Materials were compiled as courses were developed. In 1992, the Taipei County Government commissioned its Bureau of Education and the Taipei County Cultural Center to compile teaching materials for the two most prevalent Chinese dialects in Taiwan, Southern Fujianese and Hakka, and two aboriginal languages, Ami and Atayal. The center was also asked to publish a county periodical on bilingual education; sponsor community and campus activities; establish a teacher consultation center; and conduct teacher training programs, teaching workshops and romanization contests. Textbooks compiled by linguistic specialists include content concerning the geography, history, famous people, religion, and arts of Taiwan.
However, the promotion of bilingual education by local governments has faced many obstacles. One of the obstacles comes from parents who do not support bilingual instruction programs. Some parents worry that instruction time spent gaining competence in a chosen Chinese dialect or aboriginal language might negatively affect a student's ability to compose in standard written Chinese, and possibly result in lower scores on college entrance exams. Other parents feel that the usefulness of their native language is limited. "Wouldn't it be better to teach English or Japanese instead?" they reason. For aborigines who are less well off, economic and social advancement is a much more urgent concern; bilingual education may be a luxury that they feel they cannot afford.
To remedy the situation, the MOE revised guidelines and amended curriculum standards for elementary and junior high schools. Starting in September 2001, primary school students will be required to take at least one course on a local language, such as Southern Fujianese, Hakka, or an aboriginal language. For junior high school students, however, such language courses will remain an elective. Furthermore, the revised guidelines clearly stipulate that schools may teach in dialects. The government supports such courses with various levels of funding for compiling teaching materials, publishing teacher handbooks, holding teacher workshops, producing audio and video cassettes, and collecting teaching materials.
Another obstacle is the absence of generally agreed-upon standard written forms for each of the Chinese dialects and aboriginal languages. Different phonetic systems have been proposed and tried. The choices for representing aboriginal languages in the written content of textbooks range from a number of romanization schemes to a phonetic symbol-based system similar to that for Mandarin. For Southern Fujianese and Hakka, the use of Chinese characters with no phonetic alphabet is a third option. However, simply using standard Chinese characters is problematic, since they may only indirectly indicate pronunciation, and some dialects lack widely known, written characters for some of their words.
Mandarin Phonetic Symbols have sometimes been adapted to represent Chinese dialects and aboriginal languages. But because MPS is a part-alphabet, part-syllabary system created primarily for the language's relatively simple phonological and tonal structure, they are not particularly well-adapted for use with other dialects. This is especially true with multisyllabic Austronesian languages like Taiwan's aboriginal tongues.
Romanization systems are perhaps the most flexible and precise and are well suited to serve as the primary writing system for aboriginal languages. In addition, they can serve as an auxiliary system for teaching Chinese dialects. For example, the romanization system developed by missionaries for Southern Fujianese has a long history and is currently in widespread use, so it would seem a natural candidate as a standard phonetic alphabet. As things stand, each method tends to start from scratch and contribute yet another idiosyncratic system to the existing jumble. Thus, progress is often held back simply due to indecision about which system to adopt in education. Nonetheless, a new system must be decided to accommodate both localization and globalization.
In August 1994, the MOE established a task force, composed of experts from the Institute of History and Philology of Academia Sinica, to research dialects and aboriginal languages and establish guidelines for teaching them. A guidebook of auxiliary teaching materials for dialects in junior and senior high schools which proposed a Taiwan language phonetic system was published by the task force in March 1995. The project also involves developing materials for aboriginal languages, including Atayal, Ami, Paiwan, Rukai, Puyuma, Tsou, Bunun, Saisiyat and Kavalan. Moreover, the Legislative Yuan passed the Aboriginal Education Act ¬in 1998, which stipulates that the government should provide aborigines with opportunities to learn their native languages, history and culture at preschools and elementary schools in their hometowns.
In January 1998, the MOE promulgated the Taiwan language phonetic system after some moderate changes were made in line with the romanization system developed by missionaries. Since then, official phonetic systems for Southern Fujianese and Hakka as well as phonetic symbols for aboriginal languages in Taiwan have been established. However, the adoption of this system is not compulsory. Academic or private sector groups are free to develop their own phonetic systems for dialect materials. The first official Min-nan Yu Dictionary was published in 2000 to assist with the implementation of Southern Fujianese courses in schools. It consists of Chinese characters and the Phonetic System for Taiwan's Min-nan Dialect developed by the MOE. The pronunciation is based on the widely used Tainan accent. The Taipei City Bureau of Education published the first set of official Southern Fujianese textbooks for kindergarten students in January 2000. Other teaching materials include posters, CDs, videos and various teaching aids. In May 2000, a series of aboriginal language textbooks were also published by an independent publishing house.
Different languages of the Ten Tribes in Taiwan
1. Atayal
The Atayal language is spoken by the Atayal people of Taiwan. Squliq and C’uli’, or Ts’ole’ are two major dialects. Atayal is written in the Latin alphabet. Many Atayal are bilingual, but the Atayal language still remains in active use.
2. Saisiyat
Saisiyat is the language of the Saisiyat, a tribe of indigenous people on Taiwan, also known as the Taiwanese aborigines. It is a Formosan language of the Austronesian family. It has approximately 4,750 speakers. The language area of Saisiyat is small, situated in the northwest of the country between the Hakka Chinese and Atayal regions in the mountains (Wufeng-hsiang, Hsinchu, Nanchuang-hsiang, Miaoli). Today, one thousand Saisiyat people do not use the Saisiyat language. Many young people use Hakka or Atayal instead, and few children speak Saisiyat. Hakka Chinese speakers, Atayal speakers and Saisiyat speakers live more or less together. Many Saisiyat are able to speak Saisiyat, Hakka, Atayal, Mandarin, and, sometimes, Min Nan as well. Although Saisiyat has a relatively large number of speakers, the language is endangered.
3. Bunan
The Bunun language is spoken by the Bunun people of Taiwan. It is one of the Formosan languages, a geographic group of Austronesian languages, and is subdivided in five dialects: Isbukun, Takbunuaz, Takivatan, Takibaka and Takituduh. Isbukun, the dominant dialect, is mainly spoken in the south of Taiwan. Takbunuaz and Takivatan are mainly spoken in the center of the country. Takibaka en Takituduh both are northern dialects. A sixth dialect, Takipulan, became extinct in the 1970s.
4. Tsou
The Tsou language is the Austronesian language of the aboriginal Taiwanese Tsou people. The dialectal variation of Tsou is not great. There are four recorded dialects, Tapangu, Tfuea, Duhtu, and Iimcu, of which Tapangu and Tfuea are still spoken.
5. Paiwan
Paiwan is a native language of Taiwan, spoken by the Paiwan people, one tribe of the Taiwanese aborigines. Paiwan is a Formosan language of the Austronesian language family. The number of speakers is estimated to be 66,000.
6. Rukai
Rukai is the mother tongue of the Rukai, a tribe of indigenous people on Taiwan (see Taiwanese aborigines). It is a Formosan language of the Austronesian languages language family. There are some 10,000 speakers, some monolingual. There are several dialects, of which Mantauran, Tona, and Maga are divergent.
7. Ami
Amis is the Formosan language of the Amis or Ami, a tribe of indigenous people along the east coast of Taiwan. It is spoken from Hualien in the north to Taitung in the south, with another population near the southern end of the island, though the northern varieties are sometimes considered a separate language. Government services in counties where many Amis people live in Taiwan, such as the Hualien and Taitung train stations, broadcast in Amis alongside Mandarin. However, few Amis under the age of 20 in 1995 spoke the language, and it is not known how many of the 138,000 ethnic Amis are speakers.
8. Puyuma
Puyuma is a language in whichThe Puyuma, also known as the Peinan or Beinan tribe, are one of the tribal groups of the Taiwanese aborigines. The tribe is generally divided into the Chihpen and Nanwang groups, both resident in Taitung County on the east coast of Taiwan. In the year 2000 the Puyuma numbered 9,606. This was approximately 2.4% of Taiwan's total indigenous population, making them the sixth-largest tribal group. The Puyuma speak their tribal language as well as Standard Mandarin and Taiwanese. The Puyuma language, however, is dying.
9. Yami
The Yami language, also known as Tao, is a Batanic language spoken by the Tao people of Taiwan who live on Orchid Island, 46 kilometers southeast of the main island of Taiwan. It is the only language of Taiwanese aborigines that does not fit in with the other Formosan languages but instead shares linguistic similarities with the Ivatan language spoken in the Batanes of northern Philippines.
10. Thao
Thao, also known as Sao, is the language of the Thao people, a tribe of Taiwanese aborigines in the region of Sun Moon Lake in central Taiwan. In 2000 there were approximately 5 or 6 speakers, all but one of whom was over the age of sixty. It is a Formosan language of the Austronesian family; Brawbaw and Shtafari are dialects.
The Atayal language is spoken by the Atayal people of Taiwan. Squliq and C’uli’, or Ts’ole’ are two major dialects. Atayal is written in the Latin alphabet. Many Atayal are bilingual, but the Atayal language still remains in active use.
2. Saisiyat
Saisiyat is the language of the Saisiyat, a tribe of indigenous people on Taiwan, also known as the Taiwanese aborigines. It is a Formosan language of the Austronesian family. It has approximately 4,750 speakers. The language area of Saisiyat is small, situated in the northwest of the country between the Hakka Chinese and Atayal regions in the mountains (Wufeng-hsiang, Hsinchu, Nanchuang-hsiang, Miaoli). Today, one thousand Saisiyat people do not use the Saisiyat language. Many young people use Hakka or Atayal instead, and few children speak Saisiyat. Hakka Chinese speakers, Atayal speakers and Saisiyat speakers live more or less together. Many Saisiyat are able to speak Saisiyat, Hakka, Atayal, Mandarin, and, sometimes, Min Nan as well. Although Saisiyat has a relatively large number of speakers, the language is endangered.
3. Bunan
The Bunun language is spoken by the Bunun people of Taiwan. It is one of the Formosan languages, a geographic group of Austronesian languages, and is subdivided in five dialects: Isbukun, Takbunuaz, Takivatan, Takibaka and Takituduh. Isbukun, the dominant dialect, is mainly spoken in the south of Taiwan. Takbunuaz and Takivatan are mainly spoken in the center of the country. Takibaka en Takituduh both are northern dialects. A sixth dialect, Takipulan, became extinct in the 1970s.
4. Tsou
The Tsou language is the Austronesian language of the aboriginal Taiwanese Tsou people. The dialectal variation of Tsou is not great. There are four recorded dialects, Tapangu, Tfuea, Duhtu, and Iimcu, of which Tapangu and Tfuea are still spoken.
5. Paiwan
Paiwan is a native language of Taiwan, spoken by the Paiwan people, one tribe of the Taiwanese aborigines. Paiwan is a Formosan language of the Austronesian language family. The number of speakers is estimated to be 66,000.
6. Rukai
Rukai is the mother tongue of the Rukai, a tribe of indigenous people on Taiwan (see Taiwanese aborigines). It is a Formosan language of the Austronesian languages language family. There are some 10,000 speakers, some monolingual. There are several dialects, of which Mantauran, Tona, and Maga are divergent.
7. Ami
Amis is the Formosan language of the Amis or Ami, a tribe of indigenous people along the east coast of Taiwan. It is spoken from Hualien in the north to Taitung in the south, with another population near the southern end of the island, though the northern varieties are sometimes considered a separate language. Government services in counties where many Amis people live in Taiwan, such as the Hualien and Taitung train stations, broadcast in Amis alongside Mandarin. However, few Amis under the age of 20 in 1995 spoke the language, and it is not known how many of the 138,000 ethnic Amis are speakers.
8. Puyuma
Puyuma is a language in whichThe Puyuma, also known as the Peinan or Beinan tribe, are one of the tribal groups of the Taiwanese aborigines. The tribe is generally divided into the Chihpen and Nanwang groups, both resident in Taitung County on the east coast of Taiwan. In the year 2000 the Puyuma numbered 9,606. This was approximately 2.4% of Taiwan's total indigenous population, making them the sixth-largest tribal group. The Puyuma speak their tribal language as well as Standard Mandarin and Taiwanese. The Puyuma language, however, is dying.
9. Yami
The Yami language, also known as Tao, is a Batanic language spoken by the Tao people of Taiwan who live on Orchid Island, 46 kilometers southeast of the main island of Taiwan. It is the only language of Taiwanese aborigines that does not fit in with the other Formosan languages but instead shares linguistic similarities with the Ivatan language spoken in the Batanes of northern Philippines.
10. Thao
Thao, also known as Sao, is the language of the Thao people, a tribe of Taiwanese aborigines in the region of Sun Moon Lake in central Taiwan. In 2000 there were approximately 5 or 6 speakers, all but one of whom was over the age of sixty. It is a Formosan language of the Austronesian family; Brawbaw and Shtafari are dialects.
Introduction of the Taiwanese Language
The official language of Taiwan is Mandarin Chinese, but because many Taiwanese are of southern Fujianese descent, Min-nan is also widely spoken. The smaller groups of Hakka people and aborigines have also preserved their own languages. Many elderly people can also speak some Japanese, as they were subjected to Japanese education before Taiwan was returned to Chinese rule in 1945 after the Japanese occupation which lasted for half a century. The most popular foreign language in Taiwan is English, which is part of the regular school curriculum.
Until the 1980s use of the Taiwanese language was banned in schools and the number of Taiwanese programmes on the radio and television was restricted. These restrictions have now been lifted and Taiwanese is taught as a subject in some schools and used as a medium of instruction in others. Some companies have made Taiwanese as their official language and Taiwanese broadcasts are now common.
Today about 70% of the population of Taiwan (15 million people) speak Taiwanese and most also speak Mandarin. Taiwanese is spoken in many parts of Taiwan and some people are more comfortable using Taiwanese.
Taiwanese first appeared in writing in the late 19th century in a Romanisation system known as Peh-oē-jī, which was devised by Presbyterian missionaries. Since then many different methods of writing Taiwanese have been devised, some using the Latin alphabet, some using the Chinese script, and others using a mixture of the two scripts.
Taiwanese Hokkien is a variant of Min Nan, closely related to the Amoy dialect. It is often seen as a Chinese dialect within the larger Sinitic language family.
Min is the only branch of Chinese that cannot be directly derived from Middle Chinese. This may account for the difficulty in finding the appropriate Chinese characters for some Min Nan vocabulary. This is maybe also part of the reasons why it is almost totally mutually unintelligible with Mandarin or other Chinese dialects.
There is both a colloquial version and a literary version of Taiwanese Hokkien. Spoken Taiwanese Hokkien is almost identical to spoken Amoy Hokkien. Regional variations within Taiwanese may be traced back to Hokkien variants spoken in Southern Fujian (Quanzhou and Zhangzhou).
Taiwanese Hokkien also contains loanwords from Japanese and the Formosan languages. Recent work by scholars such as Ekki Lu, Sakai Toru, and Lí Khîn-hoāⁿ (also known as Chin-An Li), based on former research by scholars such as Ông Io̍k-tek, has gone so far as to associate part of the basic vocabulary of the colloquial Taiwanese with the Austronesian and Tai language families; however, such claims are controversial.
A literary form of Minnan once flourished in Fujian and was brought to Taiwan by early emigrants. Tale of the Lychee Mirror (Nāi-kèng-kì), a manuscript for a series of plays published during the Ming Dynasty in 1566, is one of the earlist known works. This form of the language is now largely extinct.
Until the 1980s use of the Taiwanese language was banned in schools and the number of Taiwanese programmes on the radio and television was restricted. These restrictions have now been lifted and Taiwanese is taught as a subject in some schools and used as a medium of instruction in others. Some companies have made Taiwanese as their official language and Taiwanese broadcasts are now common.
Today about 70% of the population of Taiwan (15 million people) speak Taiwanese and most also speak Mandarin. Taiwanese is spoken in many parts of Taiwan and some people are more comfortable using Taiwanese.
Taiwanese first appeared in writing in the late 19th century in a Romanisation system known as Peh-oē-jī, which was devised by Presbyterian missionaries. Since then many different methods of writing Taiwanese have been devised, some using the Latin alphabet, some using the Chinese script, and others using a mixture of the two scripts.
Taiwanese Hokkien is a variant of Min Nan, closely related to the Amoy dialect. It is often seen as a Chinese dialect within the larger Sinitic language family.
Min is the only branch of Chinese that cannot be directly derived from Middle Chinese. This may account for the difficulty in finding the appropriate Chinese characters for some Min Nan vocabulary. This is maybe also part of the reasons why it is almost totally mutually unintelligible with Mandarin or other Chinese dialects.
There is both a colloquial version and a literary version of Taiwanese Hokkien. Spoken Taiwanese Hokkien is almost identical to spoken Amoy Hokkien. Regional variations within Taiwanese may be traced back to Hokkien variants spoken in Southern Fujian (Quanzhou and Zhangzhou).
Taiwanese Hokkien also contains loanwords from Japanese and the Formosan languages. Recent work by scholars such as Ekki Lu, Sakai Toru, and Lí Khîn-hoāⁿ (also known as Chin-An Li), based on former research by scholars such as Ông Io̍k-tek, has gone so far as to associate part of the basic vocabulary of the colloquial Taiwanese with the Austronesian and Tai language families; however, such claims are controversial.
A literary form of Minnan once flourished in Fujian and was brought to Taiwan by early emigrants. Tale of the Lychee Mirror (Nāi-kèng-kì), a manuscript for a series of plays published during the Ming Dynasty in 1566, is one of the earlist known works. This form of the language is now largely extinct.
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